شمارۀ جدید فصلنامه (بهار 1405) منتشر شد
Volume 16, Issue 4 (12-2025)
Social Problems of Iran 2025, 16(4): 9-50 |
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pilevari A, Pilvari A, Javid Y, Nasrolahi S. (2025). Understanding the Lived Experiences of Afghan Migrant Women from Domestic Violence: A Phenomenological Study. Social Problems of Iran. 16(4), 9-50. doi: 10.61882/jspi.16.4.9
URL: http://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article-1-3901-en.html
URL: http://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article-1-3901-en.html
1- Assistant Professor of Sociology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran , a.pilevari@khu.ac.ir
2- PhD Candidate of Sociology, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, University of Tabriz, Tabriz, Iran
3- Bachelor of Social Work, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran
2- PhD Candidate of Sociology, Department of Social Sciences, Faculty of Law and Social Sciences, University of Tabriz, Tabriz, Iran
3- Bachelor of Social Work, Department of Sociology, Faculty of Literature and Humanities, Kharazmi University, Tehran, Iran
Abstract: (806 Views)
Abstract
Domestic violence is a critical challenge for Afghan migrant women in Iran, shaped by intersecting cultural, economic, and institutional factors. This study aimed to understand how Afghan migrant women living in Tehran experience and interpret domestic violence, and to uncover the cultural and social mechanisms that sustain it. Guided by these questions, we asked: How do Afghan migrant women make sense of domestic violence in Iran, and what factors lead them to perceive it as a natural part of life? To address these questions, a qualitative study was conducted using a phenomenological approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 18 Afghan migrant women who were receiving support from service centers for female-headed households in the Harandi neighborhood of Tehran. Analysis revealed four major themes: Disempowerment under the shadow of a patriarchal system, Institutionalized violence within family and society, Gender as a field for representing male dominance, and Multilayered exclusion of women. Together, these themes highlight how violence operates not only within intimate relationships but also through institutional, cultural, and legal structures that restrict women’s agency. The findings suggest that violence against Afghan migrant women is the product of a complex interplay between gendered hierarchies, poverty, migration, and limited institutional support. Recognizing this complexity underscores the need for multi-level interventions, the removal of legal barriers, and the expansion of social support systems to reduce harm and promote the empowerment of migrant women.
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is still regarded in many societies—particularly within patriarchal contexts—as a private and “women’s issue,” a phenomenon perceived as lying outside men’s responsibility or concern. This perception removes domestic violence from the public sphere and social scrutiny, thereby facilitating its persistence. According to reports by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), more than 46% of Afghan women experience some form of violence by an intimate partner during their lifetime. Moreover, studies indicate that approximately 55.89% of married Afghan women have been subjected to intimate partner violence within the past year. Traditional structures and patriarchal cultural beliefs in Afghanistan play a significant role in both producing and reinforcing domestic violence. Within these structures, men are positioned as primary decision-makers and breadwinners, while women are assigned subordinate and passive roles, bearing responsibility for maintaining family harmony and marital relationships. Resistance to or demands for exiting such conditions conflict with culturally prescribed gender roles for women. Additionally, the excessive social valorization of female virginity and concerns about the impossibility of remarriage further contribute to women’s continued presence in abusive relationships. It should also be noted that Afghan women’s prior experiences of war and armed conflict have had profound psychological effects, increasing their vulnerability to domestic violence. Research further suggests that war-related stress and poverty heighten the likelihood of men perpetrating domestic violence, as violence against spouses becomes a means of reclaiming a lost sense of control and power.
Furthermore, migrant women face heightened vulnerability when encountering domestic violence in host countries. Economic and emotional dependence on spouses, difficulties adapting to new lifestyles, social exclusion and isolation, language barriers, limited access to support services, and the social stigma associated with divorce all exacerbate violence against this group. Victims of domestic violence are up to 42% more likely than non-victimized women to require medical and psychological services, particularly for substance misuse and anxiety disorders. Children of abused women face serious risks, including developmental disorders, behavioral problems, and anxiety, the treatment of which places a substantial burden on support organizations. Accordingly, the present study aims to identify and better understand Afghan migrant women’s experiences of domestic violence and the meanings they ascribe to such violence within the cultural and social context of Iran. By addressing the following questions, the study seeks to generate data to inform effective intervention programs for this vulnerable population:
How do Afghan migrant women in Iran make sense of domestic violence? What factors lead them to accept violence as a natural part of life? The authors contend that such insights will enable service providers to develop a deeper understanding of the personal, social, and structural mechanisms that reproduce this violence.
2.Methodology
This qualitative study employed a phenomenological approach to examine the lived experiences of 18 Afghan migrant women supported by service centers for female-headed households in the Harandi neighborhood of Tehran who had experienced domestic violence by their spouses. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted until data saturation was achieved, that is, when no new themes emerged. Participants were selected through purposive sampling. Data coding and analysis were conducted by the principal researcher using Colaizzi’s seven-step phenomenological analysis method. To enhance the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings, expert review was employed. The analyzed data and thematic interpretations were reviewed by a university faculty member specializing in social work and two members of the service team at the support center, whose long-term professional engagement with the target population provided familiarity with participants’ language and cultural context. Their feedback led to minor refinements. In addition, member checking was conducted by inviting participants to review the preliminary findings. One participant agreed to take part in this process and confirmed the congruence of the findings with her lived experience.
3.Findings
The findings indicate that culturally enforced female silence, the social stigma of divorce, women’s own inhibiting attitudes and emotions, beliefs in their secondary gender status, internalized helplessness, the presence of children, economic dependence on spouses, and fears regarding the consequences of disclosing violence all undermined the agency of the women studied. On the other hand, male sexual dysfunction was often compensated for through the perpetration of violence, while women’s physical and psychological illnesses increased men’s propensity for violent behavior. The absence of support networks and women’s social isolation resulted in multilayered experiences of exclusion. Notably, participants experienced violence not only from men but also from women, while social indifference and silence further enabled such violence. Based on these findings, four main themes were identified: deprivation of agency under patriarchal systems; institutionalized violence within family and society; gender as a site for the enactment of male domination; and the multilayered exclusion of women.
4.Conclusion
The findings demonstrate that the cultural and symbolic structures governing participants’ lives frame responses to violence as shameful and taboo-breaking. Within this context, women confront a symbolic order in which disclosing violence is interpreted as crossing the boundaries of cultural legitimacy. This taboo not only isolates women but also shapes their understanding of themselves and their bodies, casting repression as an inherent aspect of female destiny. Consequently, women not only endure violence but internalize it, accepting it as part of the normal order of married life or womanhood. Thus, women’s silence in the face of domestic violence is not merely an individual act but the outcome of complex social and cultural structures that reinforce and reproduce this silence. Within this framework, family members -particularly mothers- encourage women to endure and be patient, viewing complaints as a form of impropriety. Divorce is perceived as transgressing symbolic boundaries of respectable womanhood and is associated with consequences such as familial rejection, dishonor, or labels such as promiscuity and infidelity. This enforced silence and endurance not only weaken possibilities for resistance and active agency but also distort women’s self-perception, sense of worth, and right to choose. Due to repeated experiences of domestic violence, lack of effective social support, and living in a cultural context that frames violence as natural, acceptable, or tolerable, women gradually come to believe that change is impossible.
Many participants framed remaining in violent relationships as a form of sacrifice for their children, thereby assigning meaning to their suffering. Within this narrative, they portrayed themselves not merely as victims but as mothers and protectors of the family, a moral framing that allowed them to reinterpret violence ethically. In the women’s narratives, even responding to violence with self-defensive violence was considered taboo. They viewed hitting their husbands -even in self- defense-as reprehensible, believing it would lead to women’s humiliation within both family and society. Dominant gender structures thus deprive women even of the right to self-defense. This internalization of non-violent gender roles for women reflects a form of gendered self-surveillance. Additionally, Afghan women in Iran face multiple structural and legal barriers that limit their capacity to confront domestic violence, including insecure residency status, fear of deportation, restricted access to legal and social support, and institutional discrimination. Overall, this study demonstrates that violence against migrant women is the product of a complex interaction among gendered structures, poverty, migration, and the absence of institutional support. Designing multi-level interventions, identifying legal barriers, and expanding social support systems are therefore essential for harm reduction and the empowerment of these women.
Domestic violence is a critical challenge for Afghan migrant women in Iran, shaped by intersecting cultural, economic, and institutional factors. This study aimed to understand how Afghan migrant women living in Tehran experience and interpret domestic violence, and to uncover the cultural and social mechanisms that sustain it. Guided by these questions, we asked: How do Afghan migrant women make sense of domestic violence in Iran, and what factors lead them to perceive it as a natural part of life? To address these questions, a qualitative study was conducted using a phenomenological approach. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 18 Afghan migrant women who were receiving support from service centers for female-headed households in the Harandi neighborhood of Tehran. Analysis revealed four major themes: Disempowerment under the shadow of a patriarchal system, Institutionalized violence within family and society, Gender as a field for representing male dominance, and Multilayered exclusion of women. Together, these themes highlight how violence operates not only within intimate relationships but also through institutional, cultural, and legal structures that restrict women’s agency. The findings suggest that violence against Afghan migrant women is the product of a complex interplay between gendered hierarchies, poverty, migration, and limited institutional support. Recognizing this complexity underscores the need for multi-level interventions, the removal of legal barriers, and the expansion of social support systems to reduce harm and promote the empowerment of migrant women.
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Intimate partner violence (IPV) is still regarded in many societies—particularly within patriarchal contexts—as a private and “women’s issue,” a phenomenon perceived as lying outside men’s responsibility or concern. This perception removes domestic violence from the public sphere and social scrutiny, thereby facilitating its persistence. According to reports by the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), more than 46% of Afghan women experience some form of violence by an intimate partner during their lifetime. Moreover, studies indicate that approximately 55.89% of married Afghan women have been subjected to intimate partner violence within the past year. Traditional structures and patriarchal cultural beliefs in Afghanistan play a significant role in both producing and reinforcing domestic violence. Within these structures, men are positioned as primary decision-makers and breadwinners, while women are assigned subordinate and passive roles, bearing responsibility for maintaining family harmony and marital relationships. Resistance to or demands for exiting such conditions conflict with culturally prescribed gender roles for women. Additionally, the excessive social valorization of female virginity and concerns about the impossibility of remarriage further contribute to women’s continued presence in abusive relationships. It should also be noted that Afghan women’s prior experiences of war and armed conflict have had profound psychological effects, increasing their vulnerability to domestic violence. Research further suggests that war-related stress and poverty heighten the likelihood of men perpetrating domestic violence, as violence against spouses becomes a means of reclaiming a lost sense of control and power.
Furthermore, migrant women face heightened vulnerability when encountering domestic violence in host countries. Economic and emotional dependence on spouses, difficulties adapting to new lifestyles, social exclusion and isolation, language barriers, limited access to support services, and the social stigma associated with divorce all exacerbate violence against this group. Victims of domestic violence are up to 42% more likely than non-victimized women to require medical and psychological services, particularly for substance misuse and anxiety disorders. Children of abused women face serious risks, including developmental disorders, behavioral problems, and anxiety, the treatment of which places a substantial burden on support organizations. Accordingly, the present study aims to identify and better understand Afghan migrant women’s experiences of domestic violence and the meanings they ascribe to such violence within the cultural and social context of Iran. By addressing the following questions, the study seeks to generate data to inform effective intervention programs for this vulnerable population:
How do Afghan migrant women in Iran make sense of domestic violence? What factors lead them to accept violence as a natural part of life? The authors contend that such insights will enable service providers to develop a deeper understanding of the personal, social, and structural mechanisms that reproduce this violence.
2.Methodology
This qualitative study employed a phenomenological approach to examine the lived experiences of 18 Afghan migrant women supported by service centers for female-headed households in the Harandi neighborhood of Tehran who had experienced domestic violence by their spouses. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews conducted until data saturation was achieved, that is, when no new themes emerged. Participants were selected through purposive sampling. Data coding and analysis were conducted by the principal researcher using Colaizzi’s seven-step phenomenological analysis method. To enhance the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings, expert review was employed. The analyzed data and thematic interpretations were reviewed by a university faculty member specializing in social work and two members of the service team at the support center, whose long-term professional engagement with the target population provided familiarity with participants’ language and cultural context. Their feedback led to minor refinements. In addition, member checking was conducted by inviting participants to review the preliminary findings. One participant agreed to take part in this process and confirmed the congruence of the findings with her lived experience.
3.Findings
The findings indicate that culturally enforced female silence, the social stigma of divorce, women’s own inhibiting attitudes and emotions, beliefs in their secondary gender status, internalized helplessness, the presence of children, economic dependence on spouses, and fears regarding the consequences of disclosing violence all undermined the agency of the women studied. On the other hand, male sexual dysfunction was often compensated for through the perpetration of violence, while women’s physical and psychological illnesses increased men’s propensity for violent behavior. The absence of support networks and women’s social isolation resulted in multilayered experiences of exclusion. Notably, participants experienced violence not only from men but also from women, while social indifference and silence further enabled such violence. Based on these findings, four main themes were identified: deprivation of agency under patriarchal systems; institutionalized violence within family and society; gender as a site for the enactment of male domination; and the multilayered exclusion of women.
4.Conclusion
The findings demonstrate that the cultural and symbolic structures governing participants’ lives frame responses to violence as shameful and taboo-breaking. Within this context, women confront a symbolic order in which disclosing violence is interpreted as crossing the boundaries of cultural legitimacy. This taboo not only isolates women but also shapes their understanding of themselves and their bodies, casting repression as an inherent aspect of female destiny. Consequently, women not only endure violence but internalize it, accepting it as part of the normal order of married life or womanhood. Thus, women’s silence in the face of domestic violence is not merely an individual act but the outcome of complex social and cultural structures that reinforce and reproduce this silence. Within this framework, family members -particularly mothers- encourage women to endure and be patient, viewing complaints as a form of impropriety. Divorce is perceived as transgressing symbolic boundaries of respectable womanhood and is associated with consequences such as familial rejection, dishonor, or labels such as promiscuity and infidelity. This enforced silence and endurance not only weaken possibilities for resistance and active agency but also distort women’s self-perception, sense of worth, and right to choose. Due to repeated experiences of domestic violence, lack of effective social support, and living in a cultural context that frames violence as natural, acceptable, or tolerable, women gradually come to believe that change is impossible.
Many participants framed remaining in violent relationships as a form of sacrifice for their children, thereby assigning meaning to their suffering. Within this narrative, they portrayed themselves not merely as victims but as mothers and protectors of the family, a moral framing that allowed them to reinterpret violence ethically. In the women’s narratives, even responding to violence with self-defensive violence was considered taboo. They viewed hitting their husbands -even in self- defense-as reprehensible, believing it would lead to women’s humiliation within both family and society. Dominant gender structures thus deprive women even of the right to self-defense. This internalization of non-violent gender roles for women reflects a form of gendered self-surveillance. Additionally, Afghan women in Iran face multiple structural and legal barriers that limit their capacity to confront domestic violence, including insecure residency status, fear of deportation, restricted access to legal and social support, and institutional discrimination. Overall, this study demonstrates that violence against migrant women is the product of a complex interaction among gendered structures, poverty, migration, and the absence of institutional support. Designing multi-level interventions, identifying legal barriers, and expanding social support systems are therefore essential for harm reduction and the empowerment of these women.
Keywords: Intimate partner violence, Women, Afghan migrants, Domestic violence, Colaizzi' phenomenological approach.
Type of Article: Original Research |
Subject:
Women
Received: 2025/07/9 | Accepted: 2025/09/1 | Published: 2026/01/28
Received: 2025/07/9 | Accepted: 2025/09/1 | Published: 2026/01/28
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