Social Problems of Iran

Development Plans and Women's Issues: The Challenge of Policymakers’ Problem Framing, Idealism, and Discursive Conflict

Author

Leila Falahati

Corresponding Author, Associated Professor, Department of Women Studies, Institute for Social and Cultural Studies, Ministry for Science, research and Technology, Tehran, Iran.

https://doi.org/10.61186/jspi.16.1.195
Abstract
Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran’s six national development plans have consistently prioritized women as a key target group. Official statistics highlight significant progress in women’s health and education, yet economic and political participation remain limited, with Iran ranking 144th and 143rd globally in these domains among 146 countries (World Economic Forum, 2024). This study critically examines the shortcomings of these plans in addressing women’s issues through gender and development theories, drawing on the lived experiences of 18 experts and policymakers in women’s policy formulation. Using a descriptive phenomenological approach and semi-structured interviews conducted in 2022, the research identified 55 concepts, synthesized into 10 sub-themes and 3 main themes: (1) conceptual and epistemological challenges, (2) planning and implementation barriers, and (3) deficits in monitoring, evaluation, and impact assessment. The most critical challenge is the lack of consensus on gender concepts, exacerbated by conflating women’s roles with family duties and reductionist views limiting women’s agency. Political rivalries and frequent administrative changes disrupt program continuity, while inadequate monitoring systems and politicized gender metrics undermine accountability. These factors, combined with partisan discourse eroding past achievements, have weakened public trust in the transformative potential of development initiatives, particularly among women. The study underscores the need for theoretical clarity, robust institutional frameworks, and inclusive policymaking to achieve equitable and sustainable development for women in Iran.



Extended Abstract

1. Introduction

For over four decades since the Islamic Revolution, Iran’s six national development plans have positioned women as a central focus of socioeconomic policy. The first and second plans (1989–1998) prioritized women’s education and healthcare, achieving notable gains, such as increasing female life expectancy from 66.3 to 77.5 years and schooling expectancy from 4.6 to 10.7 years (UNDP, 2024). From the third plan onward (1999–2004), the scope expanded to include economic, legal, social, and cultural participation, with subsequent plans emphasizing empowerment, social protection, gender justice, and institutional development. The seventh plan (2024–2028) focuses on family strengthening, marriage promotion, and support for female-headed households. Despite these efforts, significant gender disparities persist, particularly in economic and political participation, with Iran ranking 144th and 143rd, respectively, among 146 countries (World Economic Forum, 2024). These gaps reflect systemic challenges in gender-responsive planning and the limited effectiveness of past policies in achieving gender equity.

This study critically evaluates these shortcomings through the lens of gender and development theories, notably Women in Development (WID) and Gender and Development (GAD), which highlight the need for culturally sensitive, participatory approaches to address structural inequalities (Tinker, 1990; Connelly et al., 2000). By analyzing the lived experiences of 18 experts and practitioners in women’s policymaking, the research identifies key obstacles across four pillars of gender planning: needs assessment, planning instruments, implementation mechanisms, and monitoring systems. The findings aim to inform more equitable and sustainable development strategies for women in Iran.



2. Methodology

This qualitative study adopted a descriptive phenomenological approach to explore the lived experiences of experts in women’s development planning in Iran. Data were collected in 2022 through 18 semi-structured interviews with a purposively and theoretically selected sample of academics, policymakers, civil society actors, and parliamentarians with direct experience in women-related policymaking. Purposive sampling ensured diversity in perspectives, while theoretical sampling allowed for iterative refinement of themes as data collection progressed. Interviews focused on challenges in policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation, emphasizing women’s issues independent of family roles.

Data analysis followed Colaizzi’s (1978) seven-step method: (1) transcribing interviews, (2) extracting significant statements, (3) formulating meanings, (4) clustering themes, (5) developing an exhaustive description, (6) identifying fundamental structures, and (7) validating findings with participants. This process yielded 55 concepts, synthesized into 10 sub-themes and 3 main themes. To ensure trustworthiness, member checking was conducted by sharing findings with select interviewees, and triangulation with existing literature (e.g., Moser & Moser, 2005; Kabeer, 2013) validated the results. Ethical considerations, including informed consent and confidentiality, were rigorously upheld throughout the research process.



3. Findings

The analysis identified 55 concepts, organized into 10 sub-themes and 3 overarching themes: (1) conceptual and epistemological challenges, (2) planning and implementation barriers, and (3) monitoring, evaluation, and impact deficits.

Conceptual and Epistemological Challenges: The most significant barrier is the lack of theoretical consensus on gender concepts, driven by the conflation of “women” and “family” in policy frameworks. For instance, strategic documents often prioritize family-centric roles, marginalizing women’s independent identities and reinforcing reductionist views that confine them to domestic spheres. This contrasts with GAD approaches, which advocate for analyzing gendered social relations (Connelly et al., 2000). Political and ideological rivalries further exacerbate this issue, with competing discourses (e.g., traditional vs. modern gender roles) undermining policy coherence. Interviewees highlighted the ambiguous “third model” of womanhood—neither Western nor traditional—as a contested concept lacking clear policy translation.

Planning and Implementation Barriers: Unrealistic goal-setting, such as expecting a 25% reduction in divorce rates within five years, reflects a disconnect between ambitious objectives and limited institutional capacities. Fragmented responsibilities across multiple agencies, such as those addressing female-headed households, lead to duplication and inefficiency. Frequent political turnover disrupts program continuity, as seen in the suspension of gender-related initiatives during government transitions. A critical shortage of gender-sensitive expertise among mid-level managers further hampers effective implementation, with many officials relying on goodwill rather than specialized training.

Monitoring, Evaluation, and Impact Deficits: The absence of standardized gender indicators and transparent feedback systems undermines accountability. For example, the suspension of gender equality indicators in 2021, due to perceived Western influences, halted progress on national reporting (Khazali, 2022). Politicized metrics and partisan narratives erode past achievements, fostering public skepticism about the transformative potential of development plans. This lack of trust is particularly pronounced among women, who perceive limited tangible outcomes in economic and political spheres.



4. Conclusion

This study reveals that Iran’s development planning for women is hindered by deep-rooted conceptual, structural, and operational challenges, impeding gender justice and sustainable development. The conflation of women’s and family roles in policy frameworks marginalizes women’s agency, contrasting with international best practices, such as Sweden’s gender mainstreaming model, which integrates gender analysis across all policy areas (Verloo, 2005). The lack of a cohesive theoretical foundation, compounded by ideological rivalries, prevents the formation of a shared vision for gender equity.

Operationally, the misalignment between ambitious goals and limited institutional capacities—exemplified by the under-resourced Vice Presidency for Women and Family Affairs—undermines implementation. Global examples, such as Rwanda’s Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion, demonstrate the value of robust institutional mechanisms (Minto & Mergaert, 2018). The scarcity of gender expertise among policymakers, as noted by interviewees, necessitates systematic capacity-building, aligning with recommendations for gender training in developing contexts (Roggeband & Verloo, 2006).

Monitoring and evaluation systems suffer from a lack of standardized indicators and politicized reporting, which erodes accountability and public trust. The suspension of gender metrics in Iran mirrors challenges in other developing nations, where ideological shifts disrupt policy continuity (Muyomi, 2014). Furthermore, the marginalization of civil society organizations limits grassroots engagement, unlike successful models in Bangladesh, where NGOs drive gender-inclusive development (Jaquette, 2017).

To address these challenges, Iran’s policymaking must prioritize: (1) theoretical clarity through consensus-building on gender concepts, (2) institutional strengthening by elevating the authority and resources of gender-focused agencies, (3) capacity-building through gender-sensitive training for policymakers, and (4) participatory processes that integrate civil society. These reforms, grounded in political will and global best practices, are essential for transforming development plans into platforms for women’s empowerment and equitable social progress.

Keywords

Women and Development
Development plans
Gender inequality
Women’s Empowerment
Gender-Responsive Planning
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  • Receive Date 08 June 2026
  • Publish Date 08 June 2026