https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/ Social Problems of Iran en daily 1 Mon, 08 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Mon, 08 Jun 2026 00:00:00 +0330 https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8320.html The twelve-day war in May 2025 acted as a "limit situation" that suspended the Iranian life-world. This study phenomenologically explores this event through intellectual elites to determine how it became problematized in the absence of credible official narratives and its implications for the social contract. Using a qualitative approach and "Reflexive Thematic Analysis," research analyzed data from 58 elite speeches across 15 specialized sessions of the Iranian Sociological Association. Findings revealed trauma within four dimensions: 1. Epistemological-Political (crisis of authority and "media stuttering"); 2. Economic-Spatial (structural defenselessness of metropolises and "Uberization of survival"); 3. Psycho-Ethical (moral collapse in the "survival tunnel" and gendered trauma); 4. Identity-Prospective (transition from Ummah-ism to civic nationalism). The synthesized layered model demonstrates that trauma originated in infrastructure and penetrated the identity core. This model indicates the birth of "hidden agency" and "chronic questioning." Reconstructing the social contract in post-war Iran will not be achieved through physical reconstruction but by legitimizing narrative plurality and civic nationalism. In this framework, "Iran" is redefined not as an ideological concept, but as a "civic sanctuary" for its citizens. The war served as a final warning, necessitating a return to a pluralistic contract to avoid endless suspension. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The twelve day war between Iran and Israel in June 2025 represented more than a brief military confrontation; it constituted a profound social rupture that disrupted the everyday life of millions of Iranian citizens. In Jaspers’ terms, the conflict functioned as a “limit situation,” an event that interrupts ordinary routines and exposes the fragility of social meanings and institutions. During the conflict, uncertainty, fear of bombardment, and the rapid circulation of contradictory information destabilized the ontological security of the Iranian life world. As a result, the war was experienced not only as a geopolitical event but also as a moment that forced society to confront hidden vulnerabilities in its social and institutional structures. The main issue addressed in this study is the emergence of a “crisis of meaning” during the war. Official institutions attempted to frame the conflict through familiar ideological narratives emphasizing unity, resistance, and strategic success. However, many intellectual observers argued that these narratives failed to adequately capture the lived experiences of citizens. Instead of providing interpretive clarity, official discourse often appeared repetitive and hesitant, creating what several commentators described as a form of “structural stuttering.” This gap between official narratives and everyday experiences produced what can be described as a “narrative vacuum,” leaving citizens without credible interpretive frameworks capable of explaining the social meaning of the crisis. This research therefore seeks to examine how the twelve day war was interpreted and problematized by Iranian social thinkers. Rather than focusing on military strategy or diplomatic developments, the study adopts a sociological perspective that explores the social, cultural, and psychological dimensions of the conflict. Particular attention is given to how intellectuals interpreted the war as a revealer of deeper structural tensions within Iranian society, including urban vulnerability, economic insecurity, gendered experiences of trauma, and transformations in national identity. The significance of this study lies in its attempt to move beyond hardware centered conceptions of security toward a social interpretation of war. From this perspective, the conflict becomes an event that exposes latent social fault lines and stimulates debates about the future of the national social contract. 2. Methodology This study adopts a qualitative interpretive approach based on Reflexive Thematic Analysis (RTA), as articulated by Braun and Clarke (2021, 2022). RTA allows researchers to identify patterns of meaning within complex discursive data while acknowledging the interpretive role of the analyst. The aim is not statistical generalization but the reconstruction of conceptual frameworks through which social actors interpret events. The empirical data were drawn from a series of scholarly discussions organized after the war. Between July and October 2025, the Iranian Sociological Association, in collaboration with the University of Tehran, hosted fifteen thematic sessions examining the social consequences of the conflict. These sessions brought together 58 prominent Iranian scholars from various disciplines, including sociology, political science, psychology, urban studies, and cultural studies. The interdisciplinary nature of the panel provided a wide range of analytical perspectives on the social impact of the war. The analysis followed Braun and Clarke’s six phase process. The first phase involved immersion in the data through repeated reading of the transcripts in order to gain a comprehensive understanding of the discussions. In the second phase, initial codes were generated inductively from the data. Examples of early codes included “media stuttering,” “urban spatial trap,” “economy of survival,” and “militarization of motherhood.” The third phase involved clustering these codes into broader thematic categories. In the fourth phase, the themes were reviewed and refined to ensure that they accurately represented the patterns of meaning present in the dataset. During the fifth phase, themes were clearly defined and organized into four main analytical spheres reflecting the different dimensions of the social experience of war. Finally, the sixth phase involved synthesizing the themes into an interpretive framework that explains how different layers of social trauma emerged during the conflict. Reflexivity was maintained throughout the research process to ensure that the analysis balanced theoretical interpretation with the empirical voices of the participants. 3. Findings The analysis identified fourteen interconnected themes grouped into four major spheres—epistemological political, economic spatial, psycho ethical, and identity prospective—showing that the war produced a multidimensional social shock affecting institutions, urban life, and collective identity. In the epistemological political sphere, participants highlighted a phenomenon described as “media stuttering,” where official communication failed to adequately represent the social trauma experienced by citizens. Government narratives continued to rely on familiar ideological themes of solidarity and resistance, but many people perceived them as disconnected from their lived realities of fear and uncertainty. As a result, the credibility of official discourse weakened and alternative narratives circulating through social media and informal networks gained greater influence, reflecting a broader legitimacy crisis in the relationship between institutions and society. The economic spatial dimension revealed the structural vulnerability of large cities such as Tehran, which lacked effective warning systems and accessible shelters and were therefore described as “spatial traps.” At the same time, the crisis produced what participants called the “Uberization of survival,” as precarious workers in informal and platform based jobs were forced to continue working despite security risks in order to sustain their livelihoods. In the psycho ethical sphere, discussions pointed to a process of “moral tunneling,” where the pressure of survival reduced empathy toward marginalized groups and sometimes led to scapegoating narratives, particularly against Afghan migrants. Participants also emphasized the gendered nature of wartime experience, noting that women played crucial roles in managing household crises while remaining largely absent from official narratives. Finally, the identity prospective sphere suggested a shift in collective identity toward “civic nationalism,” where the homeland is increasingly understood as a shared civic space requiring protection and collective responsibility. 4. Conclusion The findings of this study suggest that the twelve day war functioned as a revealing moment that exposed underlying tensions within Iranian society. The conflict highlighted the limitations of a security paradigm focused primarily on military power while neglecting the social and communicative foundations of resilience. The analysis indicates that national resilience cannot be produced solely through top down narratives. Instead, it requires the reconstruction of a credible public sphere in which diverse voices are able to participate in shaping the interpretation of collective experiences. Strengthening institutional transparency and recognizing social plurality appear essential for rebuilding trust between state and society. Based on the discussions analyzed in this research, three possible trajectories for the post war period can be identified. The first scenario involves gradual erosion, in which unresolved structural vulnerabilities lead to persistent uncertainty and social fragmentation. The second scenario involves radicalization, where continued moral polarization and scapegoating intensify internal tensions within society. The third and more constructive scenario involves the reconstruction of the social contract. The emergence of civic oriented interpretations of national identity suggests the possibility of redefining the homeland as a space grounded in rights, security, and plural coexistence. In this perspective, the resilience of society depends not only on material reconstruction but also on restoring the capacity of citizens to participate in public narration and collective meaning making. Ultimately, the war demonstrated that the most durable form of security is rooted in a social order that recognizes the dignity and agency of its members. Rebuilding trust, strengthening communicative institutions, and acknowledging diverse social experiences may therefore constitute the most important foundations for post war reconstruction. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8328.html Millions of children worldwide engage in street labor instead of attending school, with a significant number involved in hazardous occupations. This complexity highlights the importance of understanding children’s lived experiences within specific social contexts. This study aims to explore the lived experiences of working children in the socio-cultural setting of Yasouj, to gain insight into their inner worlds and challenges. The study utilized a qualitative approach with a phenomenological method. Ten working children were selected as participants through purposive sampling. Data were collected through via in-depth semi-structured interviews and analyzed using Colaizzi’s technique. Analysis revealed five core themes: 1) Autonomy and competence: the struggle to achieve independence and protect oneself from humiliation. 2) Occupational vulnerability and hardship: enduring physical risks, traffic accidents, and street violence. 3) Social stigma and public hostility: facing cultural exclusion, labeling, and dehumanizing perceptions. 4) Family dynamics and supportive roles: taking on breadwinner or caregiver responsibilities due to poverty, illness, or unstable parental structures. 5) Aspirations and hope for advancement: using material and educational dreams as coping mechanisms for resilience and finding meaning in everyday struggles. The fundamental structure of these children’s lived experiences reflects a state of marginal suspension, where they are caught between family obligations and the desire for autonomy. These children simultaneously are both victims and agents; as structural constraints push them into street while they actively strive to maintain their dignity through street smartness and hope for a better future. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8321.html Evidence indicates the social decline of the historic core of Tehran and the concentration of various social issues in this area. Accordingly, the aim of the present study is to analyze the process of this decline. The research adopts a case study methodology with a historical approach, focusing on three distinct periods: the Qajar period, the first Pahlavi period, and the second Pahlavi period. Data were collected from historical sources and analyzed using pattern matching and time-series analysis. The findings indicate that, at the macro level, the model of dependent development planned by authoritarian governments, particularly during the second Pahlavi period, led to profound inequalities. In this process, the benefits of development were predominantly allocated to the industrial and service sectors, as well as to groups affiliated with the state in the city of Tehran. This, in turn, initiated a wave of migration to the city. Simultaneously, urban development programs -which emphasized development towards the west and north of the city while neglecting the historic core- alongside the gradual encroachment of the market into residential spheres, reinforced the process of spatial segregation. Consequently, as a result of this process, the native residents of the central neighborhoods gradually relocated to newly developed areas, and their place was taken by migrants from the lower strata of society. This replacement led to the social decline of the city's historic core and weakened the residents' capacities to organize their living environment, including the capacity to solve local problems. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The Iranian society and, in particular, the metropolis of Tehran, in pursuing engagement with the modern world and implementing top-down modernization programs, have encountered various forms of imbalance, including inequality. The effects of these imbalances at the level of the city and its neighborhoods in Tehran, especially within the historic fabric of the city are manifested as social decline, that is, the collapse of norms, social networks, and forms of social control derived from them. The historic fabric of Tehran, which expanded during the Qajar period and had long served for decades as the central locus of all economic relations and social life in the capital, has, in contemporary times, come to face the deterioration and intensification of a wide range of social problems. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to study the historical factors and mechanisms that have led to the social decline of this portion of Tehran. 2. Methodology The methodology of this study is historical case study. In this approach, what is of primary importance is the construction of appropriate theoretical concepts for understanding the reality under investigation. Accordingly, the study endeavors to examine the subject matter in depth. The cases of this research are constituted by three historical periods: the Qajar era (1210 to 1344 AH), the period of first Pahlavi (1304–1320 SH), and the period of Second Pahlavi (1320–1357 SH). These three periods are examined at two levels: the macro level and the meso level. At the macro level, the study addresses the principal characteristics of the socio-economic order in each period. The aim here is to understand macro-level factors particularly industrialization, inequalities, migration, and urbanization. At the meso level, the study analyzes the major factors in Tehran, with an emphasis on spatial inequalities, segregation in settlement patterns, the characteristics of specific neighborhoods, and ultimately the decline of the historic core of the city. 3. Findings The findings of the research indicate that the economic and social order during the Qajar era was accompanied by profound inequalities among various social strata. During this period, the underprivileged classes were exploited through mechanisms such as usury, heavy taxation, unequal exchanges, and forced labor. These unequal class relations also assumed spatial dimensions, establishing a unidirectional relationship between urban and rural areas, whereby surplus production was transferred by large landowners to urban centers, particularly Tehran. In addition to this, the integration of Iran’s economy into the global economy and the government’s economic policies became significant factors in intensifying and deepening inequality and poverty. In this process, a small group comprising merchants, wealthy families, and foreign traders emerged, due to their control over exports and imports. On the other hand, economic integration led to the collapse of traditional industries and the destruction of workshop-based manufacturing. The consequence of this was the bankruptcy of many artisans and small to medium-sized merchants, which, in turn, exacerbated poverty and inequality. At the city level of Tehran, with Tehran becoming the capital, its population increased due to various reasons, including migration. Following population growth and space constraints, the old city wall was demolished and a new wall was constructed, with the city’s development primarily expanding towards the north. As a result of migration and urban policies, a significant gap emerged between Tehran’s neighborhoods in terms of social and economic status, with migrant and tenant classes predominantly settling in the southern parts of the city. During the first Pahlavi period, alongside an increase in oil revenues, the process of industrialization accelerated. In this period, the majority of investments in industries and services were concentrated in Tehran, and this concentration of investment triggered a new wave of migration to the city. Population increase doubly necessitated urban renewal, and similar to the Qajar period, the city expanded, more than anything else, towards the north. The consequence of these modernization efforts and the way industries and services were established was the functional segregation of the urban area, while the central fabric of the city was damaged. The development of the city towards the north and the placement of new facilities and land uses in these areas intensified the process of spatial segregation based on economic and social characteristics, to the extent that a portion of the upper-class households relocated to the northern neighborhoods, making way for low-income migrants and the poor. During the second Pahlavi period, the increase in government revenues, mainly from oil income and the planning of these revenues through development projects, brought about significant changes in the country. The implementation of development programs rapidly decreased the share of the agricultural sector while increasing the importance of the industrial and oil sectors. Substantial investments were also allocated, particularly to urban areas and specifically to Tehran. Furthermore, the land reforms and their implementation deepened the gap between cities and villages, intensifying the wave of migration to Tehran. In Tehran, the approval of the first comprehensive urban plan prioritized the linear development of the city, focusing on the western regions, while this plan restricted the development of the southern and central areas. As a result, low-income migrants largely settled in the central and southern parts of the city, which led to higher population density and the formation of ethnic/identity-based neighborhoods. At the same time, migration away from the native residents in the central areas intensified. The market gradually expanded from commercial activity into residential spaces in the central urban areas, thereby strengthening different patterns of land use and exploitation in those neighborhoods. 4. Conclusion The findings indicated that the decline of Tehran’s central city areas resulted from a combination of macro and meso-level causes, processes, and mechanisms. At the macro level, the dependent development pattern, planned by authoritarian governments, particularly during the second Pahlavi era, led to the deepening of widespread inequalities. Consequently, the benefits of development were mainly accrued by the industrial and service sectors, as well as groups close to the government in Tehran. This trend fueled the intensified migration flow to the city. At the urban level, development plans emphasizing westward and northward expansion, while neglecting the historical core, coupled with the gradual encroachment of the market into residential areas, reinforced the process of spatial segregation based on economic and social characteristics. As a result, the original residents of the central neighborhoods gradually migrated to newly developed areas, and migrants from the lower strata of society took their place. This displacement led to the social decay of the city’s historical core and weakened the residents’ capacity for self-organization and problem-solving within their living environment. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8329.html Marriage is one of the most fundamental stages of human life and a cornerstone of social reproduction. However, the postponement of marriage and the rising prevalence of singleness—particularly among adults—have become significant social concerns. This study aims to explore the lived experiences of single adult men and women and to analyze the relationship between individual choice and structural constraints. Adopting a qualitative approach and employing grounded theory methodology, the study was conducted among 28 single men and women aged over 35 residing in Tehran. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The findings indicate that singleness is shaped through the interaction of economic and cultural pressures, changing individual values and attitudes, experiences of unsuccessful romantic relationships, and socio-cultural norms. The core category of the study is identified as “singleness as a reflective choice within structural constraints.” The results suggest that individuals, through rational assessment of structural limitations and the exercise of personal agency, choose singleness as a logical and low-risk life strategy. This study demonstrates that a meaningful understanding of singleness requires situating it within the dynamic interaction between individual choice and socio-cultural conditions. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8322.html The emergence of single women in contemporary Iranian society is a social issue worthy of examination. This study asks how employed and educated never-married women in the cities of Semnan and Shahroud understand singlehood and how this understanding relates to their remaining unmarried. To answer this question, the study employed grounded theory. The participants were employed and educated never-married women aged 25 to 45, selected through purposive and theoretical sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed using open, axial, and selective coding. The findings yielded ten main categories, including family characteristics, orientation toward education, occupational characteristics, understanding of gender, orientation toward marriage, attitudes toward sexual needs and sexual relations, interaction with men, understanding and experience of love, and orientation toward singlehood. Among these, understanding of femininity was identified as the core category. Three paradigmatic patterns emerged from the data: quasi-emphasized femininity, rebellious femininity, and bewildered femininity. The findings show that differences in the understanding of femininity among employed and educated never-married women lead to different orientations toward marriage and different meanings of singlehood. In quasi-emphasized femininity, singlehood is understood negatively, mainly as loneliness, and marriage remains desirable. In rebellious femininity, singlehood is understood positively as freedom, peace, and independence, and marriage is avoided. In bewildered femininity, singlehood is understood ambivalently, both as loneliness and as freedom, peace, and independence, and this pattern is accompanied by a form of denial regarding marriage. None of these patterns was dominant in Semnan or Shahroud. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction In recent decades, despite the universal character of marriage as a social phenomenon, researchers have found that the number of countries experiencing a decline in marriage rates has been increasing. Although kinship systems remain prominent in East and Southeast Asian countries, declining marriage rates, increasing rates of delayed marriage, higher divorce rates, the rise of singlehood, and a decreasing tendency to form a shared marital life are also observable in these societies. The decline in the marriage rate in Iran in recent years is an issue that cannot be easily overlooked. According to a 2023 report by the Ministry of Sports and Youth, between 2013 and 2021, the marriage rate declined in all provinces of the country except Sistan and Baluchestan Province. Official national statistics also indicate a significant increase over the past decade in the number of single women, that is, women who have never married. According to the national population and housing censuses from 1966 to 2021, the percentage of permanent singlehood among women has followed an upward trend since 1976, reaching 3.37 percent in 2016 and 5 percent in 2021. Employment and education have been two modern factors accessible to Iranian women and have provided the grounds for their entry into society. Despite the still limited level of female employment, Iranian women, through access to university education, employment, income, and the experience of multiple identities, have challenged their existing social position. In Iran, the total number of women who were graduates of, or enrolled in, higher education in 2023 was 6,959,732. Among all provinces, the highest percentage of young never-married women with higher education, at 50.3 percent, lives in Semnan Province. In addition, census data from 2016 and statistical estimates for 2021 show that in Semnan Province, the rate of employed women increased from 15.55 percent to 34.4 percent. According to the results of the latest national population estimate in 2021, Semnan Province is among the seven provinces with a high rate of female singlehood. The counties of Semnan and Shahroud are the largest cities in Semnan Province in terms of population and area. Moreover, the downward trend in marriage rates in these two cities is noteworthy. In a province with a traditional social fabric, the consequences arising from the increase in the number of never-married women have led to the rise of single women being regarded today as a social issue in this province. This study seeks to explore the gender identity of employed and educated single women and the relationship between their feminine identity and their remaining unmarried. Accordingly, the main research question is as follows: in the cities of Semnan and Shahroud, how do employed and educated never-married women understand themselves as women, and what role does this understanding play in their singlehood? In light of the main research question, concepts and theories related to femininity, globalization, modernization and its resulting transformations, identity, and new identity-making elements such as employment and education were reviewed, and these theories were examined with theoretical sensitivity. 2. Methodology Given the nature of the initial research question and in order to arrive at an answer, it was necessary to enter the deeper layers of the actors’ subjective world; therefore, grounded theory was used as the research method. To collect the data, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 30 employed and educated never-married women aged 25 to 45 residing in the counties of Semnan and Shahroud. In the first stage, purposive sampling was carried out. After the emergence of the initial categories, theoretical sampling was conducted. Immediately after each interview, open, axial, and selective coding was carried out. During the coding process, movement back and forth between theory and reality was taken into account. After the completion of coding, the extracted concepts and categories were presented to specialists, and their complementary views were incorporated. In this study, to achieve credibility, the concepts obtained from the interviews were shared with 15 of the participants and 5 individuals with similar characteristics who had not participated in the study, in order to examine the extent to which these concepts corresponded to their personal experiences. To achieve dependability, the findings were continuously and systematically compared and reviewed on a daily basis, and the reports resulting from the analysis of each individual interview were discussed in several sessions with specialists to ensure the accuracy of the information obtained. 3. Findings According to the findings of the study, the employed and educated single women aged 25 to 45 residing in the counties of Semnan and Shahroud differed from one another in terms of age, level of education, type of occupation, and level of income. Through open, axial, and selective coding, as well as a detailed line-by-line analysis of the participants’ interviews, a comprehensive classification yielded 10 main categories: 1. family characteristics, 2. orientation toward education, 3. occupational characteristics, 4. understanding of gender, 5. orientation toward marriage, 6. understanding of sexual need and ways of dealing with it, 7. type of attitude toward sexual relations, 8. interaction with men, 9. understanding and experience of love, and 10. orientation toward singlehood. After identifying the categories, relationships between categories and subcategories were established. Attention was paid to the conditions that led to the emergence or expansion of the categories, the contexts that gave rise to them, the conditions that helped reinforce them, the strategies and interactions employed by single women, and the consequences associated with them. On this basis, the categories were configured. It appears that family conditions, the experience of puberty, the understanding of motherhood, orientation toward gender roles, and the understanding of virginity influence women’s understanding of themselves as women. In this study, the understanding of femininity constituted the core category, encompassing all other categories as far as possible. On this basis, three paradigms were identified: quasi-emphasized femininity, rebellious femininity, and bewildered femininity. These paradigms indicate different configurations of the understanding of femininity among employed and educated single women. 4. Conclusion This study shows that single women, on the basis of differences in family characteristics, the way they experienced puberty, their understanding of motherhood, their orientation toward gender roles, their understanding of virginity, occupational characteristics, and orientation toward education, have understood womanhood in different ways. With regard to the core category, namely the understanding of femininity, it can be said that there are different types of understanding of femininity. These different understandings of femininity affect the social actions of single women, including their marriage and singlehood. In quasi-emphasized femininity, the employed and educated single woman understands womanhood as embodied in a delicate and emotional being and as a self-sacrificing mother. Despite her desire to marry, she fails to marry, yet she continues to remain hopeful about marriage. She is not satisfied with life as a single woman, and her orientation toward singlehood is negative. In rebellious femininity, the employed and educated single woman defines womanhood as embodied in a combative and rebellious being who, through protest, audacity, and rebellion, can move beyond limitations, refuse domination, struggle to achieve her desires, and change her conditions. She fears marriage and regards singlehood as independence and freedom. This woman’s orientation toward singlehood is positive. In bewildered femininity, there is a dual understanding of femininity. Woman is understood as a delicate and weak yet capable being. She experiences a form of gendered bewilderment. From her perspective, marriage is regarded as a point at which personal progress and individual success come to a halt. Her orientation toward singlehood is dual: singlehood is understood both as freedom, independence, and peace, and as loneliness. Given the current state of marriage in Semnan Province, as well as in Iran more broadly, greater attention should be paid to the modern phenomenon of single women, and policymakers should take this important issue into consideration. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8323.html Burns, as one of the serious physical accidents, in addition to physical injuries, have profound effects on the mental health and social relationships of individuals. This study was conducted with the aim of investigating the social consequences of burns in married women. In this study, qualitative methods and semi-structured interviews were used to collect data. The participants were 19 married women with burns who had a case file in Shahid Motahari Hospital, Fatemeh Zahra (S), Firoozgar Laser Center, and Qoqnos Association in 1403 and were selected through purposive sampling. Thematic analysis was used to analyze the data. The findings show that women with burns often see their bodies as a burden and a burden that limits them in their daily lives and social roles. The huge costs of treatment against a small recovery have placed additional economic pressure on these individuals and their families. In addition, some women have expressed dissatisfaction with the inattention and lack of responsibility of medical centers. Challenges in marital and family relationships have been identified as another important outcome; after burns, women face a decrease in the quality of marital relationships and difficulties in fulfilling their roles as mothers and wives. Also, societal attitudes and negative labeling exacerbate the feelings of rejection and isolation in women with burns. These labels have a particularly severe impact when these women also face a lack of emotional support from their families and husbands. This lack of support, empathy, and companionship from family members doubles their mental stress and causes them to gradually withdraw from their social and marital roles and duties. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction Burn injuries, as serious physical traumas, have profound effects not only on physical health but also on the mental health and social relationships of affected individuals. Statistics indicate that approximately 2.4 million people worldwide suffer burns annually, of whom 650,000 require specialized treatment. According to the World Health Organization, over 300,000 people die each year from burns or their complications, with more than 95% of these deaths occurring in low- and middle-income countries. In Iran, burn statistics are alarming; between 100,000 and 150,000 people sustain burns each year, many of whom experience varying degrees of disability. Burns are a multidimensional phenomenon that simultaneously affect the body, psyche, quality of life, and social interactions. Severe pain, altered appearance, anxiety, depression, reduced social engagement, and impaired occupational and family functioning are only some of the consequences. Although some survivors achieve partial physical recovery, the psychological, social, and emotional effects of burns may persist for years. Numerous studies emphasize the reduced quality of life and disrupted social relationships among women after burns. Burn wounds-especially in visible areas such as the face and limbs-can cause body image disturbances, feelings of social rejection, social anxiety, and mental disorders including post traumatic stress disorder. Many of these individuals encounter staring, repeated questions, and distressing labels regarding their appearance, leading to avoidance behaviors and increased social isolation. Research findings also indicate experiences of rejection, isolation, and social stigma as common consequences of burns in women. Married women, in particular, bear the greatest psychological and social pressure from burns. Burns not only disrupt their body image but also bring challenges such as difficulty fulfilling spousal and maternal roles, fear of social acceptance, and efforts to balance family and professional responsibilities. These pressures are compounded in societies that emphasize physical beauty and traditional gender roles. Despite the severity and breadth of these consequences, there remains a noticeable research gap regarding the effects of burns on married women. Many studies are limited to physical and clinical aspects, while social dimensions, especially gender-related ones, remain underexplored. This research neglect may lead to overlooking the specific needs of this group and perpetuating the cycle of harm. Therefore, a deeper understanding of the social consequences of burns for married women can inform targeted intervention programs, provide psychosocial support, and shape practical policies to facilitate their return to normal life, improve social interactions, and enhance quality of life. Accordingly, the main research question is: What social consequences do married women who have survived burns face? .2 Methologhy This qualitative study aimed to deeply explore the social consequences of burns on married women. Participants were 19 married women with burn injuries who had records in 2024 at Shahid Motahari Hospital, Fatemeh Zahra Hospital, Firouzgar Laser Center, and the Qoqnus Association, and were selected through purposive sampling. Data were collected via semi structured interviews. Interviews began with general questions and proceeded to more detailed ones. Sample interview questions included: How has your experience been of others’ gazes on your appearance after the burn? How has your marital relationship with your spouse changed? How have your relationships and interactions with family, relatives, and strangers changed after the burn? What effect has the burn had on your employment and the economic status of you and your family? Thematic analysis based on Braun and Clarke (2006) was used to analyze the qualitative data. MAXQDA version 20 was employed to manage the coding process and ensure accuracy and reliability. Participants were aged 22–53 years and had different current life situations. All had at least a high school diploma. Ten were employed before the burn, of whom six lost their jobs afterward. Burn percentages ranged from 13% to 65%, with most burns in visible areas such as the face and hands. To achieve trustworthiness, the study used: 1) prolonged engagement with the field and trust building through a six month period with multiple meetings and follow up phone conversations; 2) expert auditing and supervision of the data analysis process; and 3) member checking, whereby analysis results were shared with some participants to resolve ambiguities. Ethical principles were observed by providing participants with information about the research objectives, confidentiality, anonymity, and the right to withdraw. 3. Findings From the analysis of interviews with married women who survived burns, five main themes were extracted: burn stigma, body as a burden, enormous treatment costs with little recovery, irresponsible treatment centers, and challenges in marital and family relationships, each with corresponding subthemes and codes. The theme of burn stigma refers to the labels, discriminatory attitudes, and exclusionary actions of society toward these women. This theme encompasses distressing behaviors as well as the continuous decline of social interactions and relationships. In many cases, negative encounters and hurtful behaviors have led to a significant reduction in self confidence, feelings of helplessness, and an identity crisis among the women studied. Due to differences in appearance and the visible effects of burns, these individuals face unwanted reactions in public settings-such as staring, taunts, and withdrawal by those around them-which make daily life doubly difficult for them. One of the most critical crises faced by these women is the identity crisis resulting from burns, which itself is a direct consequence of social rejection and physical changes. Sudden alterations in appearance and reduced social acceptance lead to profound confusion regarding oneself and one's social roles. The findings indicate that the transformation of body appearance due to burns fundamentally challenges feminine identity, which in many cases is defined by societal standards of beauty and appearance. Women with burns often perceive their own bodies as a burden that limits them in everyday life and social roles. The enormous costs of treatment contrasted with minimal recovery impose additional economic pressure on these individuals and their families. Moreover, some women have expressed dissatisfaction with the neglect and irresponsibility of treatment centers. Challenges in marital and family relationships were identified as another major consequence; after burns, women experience reduced quality of marital relations and difficulties in fulfilling maternal and spousal roles. Furthermore, societal attitudes and negative labeling intensify feelings of rejection and isolation among women with burns. These labels have even more severe effects when these women also lack emotional support from their families and spouses. This absence of support, empathy, and companionship from family members doubles their psychological distress and gradually leads them to withdraw from their social and marital roles and responsibilities. 4. Conclusion The results indicate that married women with burn injuries face extensive challenges at individual, family, and social levels. Burns, as a traumatic experience, not only deeply affect their bodies but also create lasting consequences in identity, social relationships, and marital life. The most important challenges include identity crisis, social rejection, feeling like a burden to the family, and high treatment costs. These factors interact to severely impact the women’s quality of life and limit their ability and willingness to actively and effectively participate in social and family spheres. Based on intersectionality theory, understanding the experience of women with burns requires not only focusing on gender but also simultaneously examining how gender interacts with marital status, economic class, education level, and other conditions. Practical recommendations include strengthening psychosocial support, public education and awareness, supporting families, establishing multidisciplinary post burn specialty clinics, improving treatment services and reducing costs, and developing standard ethical and professional protocols for healthcare staff. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8324.html In recent decades, the evolution of national identity among younger generations, particularly Generation Z and Alpha, has become a significant subject in social research. This study, employing a qualitative methodology within a futures studies framework, investigates the transformations of national identity among students in the city of Ardabil. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 students and analyzed using thematic analysis. By applying the scenario writing method, three probable scenarios for the future of national identity were delineated: 1) Continuity Scenario: Emphasis on national symbols and a diminished role of global developments. 2) Interaction Scenario: Creative integration of national identity elements with global components. 3) Transformation Scenario: Redefinition of identity within global frameworks and a distancing from traditional patterns. The findings indicate that in the first scenario, the role of traditional institutions in preserving national identity is prominent; in the second scenario, the interaction between new media and cultural values renders national identity more dynamic; and in the third scenario, globalization and changing lifestyles lead to a redefinition of national identity. The study also reveals that most participants occupy an interactive position. For instance, one student's statement, "I listen to both Iranian pop music and follow foreign bands, and I see no contradiction between the two," demonstrates how the younger generation is actively and dynamically constructing hybrid and multi-layered identities. Based on the findings, it can be argued that since the two factors of media and education play a key role in strengthening national identity within the interaction scenario -identified as the most favorable scenario- the absence of a smart educational–cultural planning approach may increase the likelihood of transformative tendencies that entail a complete rupture from national identity. This trend was particularly evident among students in central urban areas and private schools, who have greater access to global resources. In this regard, the educational system can play a crucial role in guiding these transformations through revising curricula and pedagogical approaches. Extended Abstract In recent decades, the evolution of national identity among younger cohorts—particularly Generation Z (born mid 1990s to early 2010s) and Generation Alpha (born approximately 2010 2020s)—has become a central concern in social research. These generations grow up in a highly digital, globally connected environment, which significantly reshapes their sense of belonging to the nation state. While traditional institutions (family, school, state) once played a dominant role in transmitting national identity, their influence is now contested by global media, social networks, and transnational cultural flows. This study addresses the following research question: What are the probable future trajectories of national identity among Generation Z and Generation Alpha in Iran, specifically among students in the city of Ardabil—a region with a rich cultural and historical heritage? The research adopts a multi level, synthetic theoretical framework combining: (1) Castells’ network society theory, which highlights the emergence of multi layered, fluid identities in the digital age; (2) Hall’s conception of identity as a process of “becoming” rather than a fixed essence, constantly shaped by discourse and power; (3) Beck’s notion of institutionalised individualism, where individuals construct their identities through personal choices; (4) Touraine’s theory of subjectivity, emphasising active, conscious agency in identity formation; and (5) hybrid identity theory (Nadsen),which explains how individuals integrate seemingly contradictory identity components (traditional/modern, local/global, national/transnational) into personalised configurations. The study employs a qualitative, interpretivist paradigm within a futures studies framework. Data were collected through semi structured interviews with 30 high school students (grades 10–12) in Ardabil. Sampling was purposive, ensuring diversity in gender (equal representation), school type (public, private, and selective public schools), and residential area (central vs. peripheral neighbourhoods). Theoretical saturation was achieved after 30 interviews. Thematic analysis, following Braun and Clarke’s six phase method, was used to identify core patterns. Subsequently, the researchers applied cross impact analysis and scenario writing to construct three plausible future scenarios for national identity. Validation was performed through member checking and expert review. Key Findings – Three Scenarios: The analysis revealed three distinct but interrelated scenarios regarding the future of national identity among these students: 1. Continuity Scenario (40% of responses): Students in this group maintain strong attachment to traditional national symbols (e.g., the national flag, Nowruz celebrations) and show high respect for family and school as identity shaping institutions. “The Iranian flag is sacred to me; I always have it in my room” (male, 17). However, even within this group, limited exposure to global media was evident, indicating the gradual penetration of global cultural elements. 2. Interaction Scenario (50% of responses – the most prevalent): This scenario represents the most dynamic and creative identity pattern. Students actively and intentionally blend national and global cultural elements, producing hybrid, multi layered identities without perceiving contradictions. For example: “I listen to both Iranian pop music and follow foreign bands; I see no contradiction between the two.” They use mixed language (Azeri, Persian, English), combine local imagery with global music in social media posts, and consume both Iranian and international films. This group acts as a cultural bridge between traditionalists and globalists. 3. Transformation Scenario (10% of responses – small but growing): Students in this scenario have significantly distanced themselves from national symbols and identify more as “global citizens.” They predominantly use international platforms and feel a stronger sense of belonging to a global community than to Iran. A representative quote: “I spend most of my time on international platforms and feel I belong to the global community.” This tendency was more pronounced among students in private schools and central urban areas, who have greater access to global resources. Cross Impact Analysis and Probabilities: Using a cross impact matrix, the researchers calculated the relative likelihood of each scenario based on two key driving factors: (1) the strength of traditional institutions (family, school) and (2) the depth of engagement with global culture. The interactive scenario received the highest weighted score, particularly due to the strong influence of media and education. The analysis indicates that, under current trends, the interaction scenario is the most probable future for national identity among young students in Ardabil. Role of Media and Education: The findings demonstrate that media consumption patterns and educational policies are the two most powerful leverage points shaping future national identity. In the interaction scenario (the preferred and most likely scenario), media and education play a key role in strengthening national identity by enabling creative synthesis rather than passive acceptance of global culture. Conversely, the absence of intelligent educational cultural planning may reinforce the transformation scenario, leading to a complete rupture from national identity – a risk particularly visible among students with higher access to global digital resources. The results align with Castells’ argument that digital spaces do not simply erase national identities but enable new, multi layered forms of belonging. They also support Hall’s view of identity as an ongoing, contested process and Touraine’s emphasis on active subjecthood. The interaction scenario exemplifies what hybrid identity theory describes: young individuals today are capable of holding seemingly contradictory identity elements together in creative, personally meaningful ways. This does not imply a crisis of identity but rather a transition from static, inherited national identity to a more reflexive, project based identity. Policy Implications and Recommendations: The study provides scenario specific strategies for cultural and educational policy: · For the Continuity Scenario: Strengthen family school partnerships, revise formal national identity education using participatory methods (storytelling, experiential learning), produce local digital content (e.g., about Ardabil’s culture), and foster intergenerational dialogue. · For the Interaction Scenario (the most desirable and probable): Recognise diversity as cultural capital, design curricula that combine local values with global skills (critical thinking, digital literacy, global citizenship), support bi cultural media production (e.g., Iranian stories told through global genres like animation or podcasts), and actively include youth representatives in cultural policy councils. For the Transformation Scenario: Redefine national identity as a blend of historical roots and global values (justice, diversity, creativity), teach media literacy and critical thinking tailored to Generation Z and Alpha, use immersive technologies (augmented reality, AI) to narrate Iranian history and culture, and train teachers and counsellors to understand digital-native language and identity logics. This study concludes that national identity among Generation Z and Generation Alpha in Ardabil is not in decline but is undergoing a dynamic and creative redefinition. The majority of young students are not passive victims of globalisation; rather, they are active agents who skilfully blend national and global elements into hybrid, resilient identities. The interaction scenario – blending tradition with modernity, local with global – represents the most probable and most promising future. However, without intelligent, forward looking cultural and educational policies that recognise the centrality of media and education, there is a genuine risk that the transformation scenario (complete disconnection from national identity) could become more widespread. The findings call for a shift from rigid, preservative identity policies towards flexible, participatory, and future oriented strategies that empower young people to construct their national belonging in dialogue with the world. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8325.html Suicide, due to its prevalence across societies both traditional and modern has attracted considerable attention from researchers across multiple disciplines, including psychology and sociology. The primary aim of the present study is to examine and elucidate the interprovincial differences in suicide rates within Iran. This research adopts a macro-sociological perspective, critically reviewing existing literature and social order theories to analyze the phenomenon of suicide. Employing a comparative-quantitative approach, the study utilizes secondary data spanning 2011–2021, with provinces serving as the unit of analysis. Empirical findings indicate that the linear combination of the examined variables accounts for approximately 0.63 of the variance in provincial suicide rates. Among the predictors, changes in inflation rates (β = 0.327) and unemployment rates (β = 0.220) exerted the strongest positive and direct effects on suicide rates, whereas life satisfaction (β = -0.146) and future outlook (β = -0.028) exhibited negative associations. These results suggest that provinces with higher inflation and unemployment experienced elevated suicide rates, while higher levels of life satisfaction and positive future expectations were associated with lower rates of suicide. Accordingly, the findings imply that individuals with weak social support and diminished social cohesion are particularly vulnerable to rapid, disjointed, and severe economic changes, which may increase the likelihood of suicide. Extended Abstract Introduction Suicide as a social phenomenon, although rooted in individual action, is sociologically, especially in the Durkheimian tradition, a function of social realities (integration and regularity). In Iran, statistics from the Forensic Medicine Organization show that the number of successful suicides increased from 2,598 in 2011 to 5,085 in 2013, and the suicide rate increased from 3.5 to 6 per 100,000 people. Furthermore, the distribution of suicide frequency among provinces is not uniform: Ilam province with an average rate of 0.116 and Sistan and Baluchestan province with a rate of 0.018 are at the top and bottom of this spectrum. This intra-country heterogeneity shapes the main research question: What factors explain the difference in suicide rates among Iranian provinces? The present study answers this question with a macro-sociological approach, simultaneously emphasizing the two constructs of social disorganization (as weak social capital, social ties, and institutional support) and economic instability (as inflation, unemployment, and declining GDP). The theoretical framework of the study is based on five axes: (1) Durkheim's suicide theory (1897), emphasizing two social trends of integration and regularity that cause selfish suicide (caused by weak cohesion) and anomic suicide (caused by disorder and economic crisis), respectively. Durkheim explicitly showed that financial crises and worsening economic conditions, such as the Vienna crisis of 1873, are accompanied by a sudden increase in suicide. (2) The theory of social disorganization (Wilson and Herrnstein), which emphasizes the weakening of institutions such as the family, school, and local communities and the reduction of the effectiveness of informal controls. (3) Stress theory (Agnew), which considers stressful events and lack of social support as the cause of negative emotions and ultimately deviant behaviors. (4) Social bond theory (Hirsch) which emphasizes the role of attachment, commitment, involvement and belief in preventing deviance. (5) The concept of economic disorganization, which refers to crisis, recession, decline in GDP, chronic inflation and structural unemployment. The combination of these theories provides an explanatory model according to which the weakness of social capital (social disorganization) on the one hand and economic instability on the other hand interactively create the basis for an increase in suicide. The main hypothesis of the research: “The suicide rate is a function of social disorganization and economic instability”. Methodology The research is a comparative-quantitative within-country study with a cross-sectional design (10 years). The unit of analysis is the 31 provinces of Iran in the period 2011-2014 (except for some indicators that continued until 2013). The data collection method is secondary analysis of existing data from three main sources: Suicide: Statistics from the Iranian Forensic Medicine Organization (number of successful suicides and rate per 100,000 people). Social capital indicators (social disorganization): Data from the social capital survey including eight dimensions: perception of the institutional success of the system, perception of the desirability of society, assessment of the future, perception of the existence of justice and equality, public trust, lawlessness, social participation, and life satisfaction. Economic indicators (economic instability): Data from the Central Bank and the Statistical Center of Iran including GDP per capita, Gini coefficient, unemployment rate, inflation rate, and economic participation rate. Findings The suicide trend in the country has been on the rise during the years 2011-2023. The suicide rate has increased from 4.7 in 2011 to 8.8 in 2023 (an increase of about 87 percent). Suicide attempts have also increased from 112 to 195 per 100,000 people. The provinces of Ilam (0.116), Kermanshah (0.110), Kohgiluyeh and Boyer Ahmad and Lorestan (0.088) have the highest average suicide rates, and the provinces of Sistan and Baluchestan, South Khorasan, Yazd and Mazandaran have the lowest rates. The average social capital indicators in the country are low: the highest life satisfaction is in Bushehr and the lowest in Kurdistan.The multiple regression model (simultaneous entry of 14 independent variables) showed: the multiple correlation coefficient is R=0.796 and the coefficient of determination is R²=0.633. In other words, the linear combination of variables explains about 63% of the variance in suicide rates across provinces (the adjusted coefficient of determination is 0.312, which indicates that about 31% of the variance is explained by taking into account the number of variables. Among the 14 variables, only four variables had a significant effect: Changes in inflation rate and unemployment rate are positive and direct; with increasing inflation and unemployment, the suicide rate increases, and the variables of life satisfaction and assessment of the future have a significant negative and inverse relationship with the suicide rate, meaning that with increasing life satisfaction and positive assessment of the future, the suicide rate decreases. Conclusion The research findings clearly support Durkheim's theoretical framework and post-Durkheimian theories. Increased inflation and unemployment (economic instability) as indicators of economic disorder and anomie are associated with increased suicide. This finding is consistent with the research of Hassel et al. (2014) in Greece, Amiri (2021) and Frasquiello et al. (2016). On the other hand, decreased life satisfaction and negative evaluation of the future (which are reflections of weak social capital and social disorganization) are associated with increased suicide. It is noteworthy that many dimensions of social capital (public trust, social participation, lawlessness, etc.) did not show a significant effect in the regression analysis, which is in line with the findings of Salehabadi (1400) and somewhat different from the findings of Bahador (1400). This may be due to differences in indexing, time period or level of analysis.Suicide in Iran, especially in the western and southwestern provinces, is a multi-causal social problem that is formed at the intersection of social disorganization (weak supports, low life satisfaction, pessimism about the future) and economic instability (inflation and chronic unemployment). Therefore, any effective intervention in reducing suicide requires an integrated and context-based approach. Therefore, it is suggested that designing social policies based on strengthening social capital (local participatory programs, support groups) along with economic stabilization policies (inflation control and unemployment reduction) be put on the agenda as preventive strategies for suicide.   https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8326.html This qualitative study explores the lived experiences of ghost authors operating within Iran’s higher education system, using a grounded theory approach. Based on in-depth interviews with 12 academic ghost authors, the findings reveal that this phenomenon is not merely an individual or opportunistic act but rather the outcome of structural inequalities in the academic labor market, dysfunctional publishing systems, and lack of institutional support. The study identifies five major categories: causal conditions (such as academic precarity and unregulated publication practices), contextual factors (including the invisible structures of knowledge production), intervening conditions (like institutional norms and economic pressures), strategic responses (such as negotiation with clients, identity concealment, and resistance or adaptation), and consequences, particularly symbolic exclusion and identity fragmentation. These individuals possess high levels of cultural capital but are deprived of symbolic capital and institutional legitimacy. Drawing on theoretical perspectives from Bourdieu and Marx, the study frames ghost authorship as a form of invisible intellectual labor, reflecting broader processes of academic commodification, symbolic injustice, and institutional hypocrisy. Ultimately, this research calls for critical policy reform to recognize and address this hidden yet essential layer of knowledge production in academia. Extended Abstract 1. Introduction The phenomenon of ghostwriting within Iran’s higher education system refers to a condition wherein an individual, termed a ghost writer, produces scientific texts including articles, theses, and books on behalf of another person, yet their name does not appear on the work. As a result, the resulting academic credit accrues solely to the client. Although public discourse often reduces this practice to academic fraud or a mere ethical transgression, this study argues that ghostwriting is rooted in deeper institutional, economic, and cultural structures. The intensifying pressure for quantitative output in faculty promotions, evaluation metrics based on publication counts, the precarious employment conditions of postgraduate degree holders, and the commodification of knowledge have collectively fostered the growth of a vast hidden market for outsourced scientific production. While existing literature has predominantly focused on the macro level or the ethical dimensions of this phenomenon, the lived voices of ghost writers themselves as the primary agents within this concealed field have remained systematically underexplored. Accordingly, this study aims to achieve a deep understanding of the lived experience of ghost writers in Iran by identifying the causal and contextual logics, the strategic responses, and the existential consequences facing these marginalized agents within the academic system. 2. Methodology This research adopted a qualitative approach employing the grounded theory methodology as developed by Strauss and Corbin. Participants comprised twelve active ghost writers operating within the informal market of scientific text production in Iran. All of them held postgraduate degrees at the master’s or doctoral level and had completed at least two commissioned writing assignments under another person’s name. Sampling began purposefully and continued through snowball sampling until theoretical saturation was reached. Most participants were identified in and around Enqelab Street in Tehran, which serves as the primary hub for the buying and selling of academic products in the country. Data were collected through semistructured indepth interviews lasting between thirty and sixty minutes. All interviews were recorded with informed consent and transcribed verbatim. Data analysis proceeded through three stages of open, axial, and selective coding. To ensure trustworthiness, member checks, theoretical memos, and theoretical triangulation through diversity in discipline, gender, and educational level were employed. The theoretical framework integrated Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, specifically the tension between cultural and symbolic capital as a mechanism for reproducing inequality, with a Marxist approach emphasizing the alienation of intellectual labor and the commodification of knowledge. Additionally, Michel de Certeau’s theory of everyday tactics was drawn upon to analyze microlevel strategies of resistance and adaptation. 3. Findings Data analysis yielded eleven main categories and twenty-three subcategories arranged within a paradigmatic model. The causal conditions comprised five categories. The first was job and income insecurity among postgraduates, which included job instability and the failure to find positions relevant to one’s field of study. The second consisted of dysfunctional structures of the scientific publication market, including purely quantitative evaluation, a lack of oversight, and a culture of performative success rather than genuine knowledge production. The third was opportunistic engagement with demand and commission spaces, which involved accidental entry into the market, profitability, and the formation of informal referral networks. The fourth was the desire to exercise scienti fic ability in the absence of formal opportunities, reflecting a need to maintain intellectual identity and an intrinsic motivation to write. The fifth was the weakness of professional institutions and the lack of structural support. The contextual conditions emerged under the category of invisible structures of knowledge production, encompassing the prevalence of informal cycles in the production and reproduction of scientific texts and the performative separation between academic ethics and everyday practice. The intervening conditions were identified as institutional, economic, and academic structures, including dysfunctional promotion systems and the precarious inequitable labor market for academic elites. The strategies adopted by participants manifested in three main categories. The first was the process of interacting with clients, which involved relationships built on trust, skill, and referrals alongside negotiation and boundary setting regarding tasks. The second was resistance and adaptation, ranging from efforts to make oneself visible and alter one’s position to accepting circumstances and regulating behavior merely to survive. The third consisted of mechanisms for concealing one’s real identity, including the deliberate erasure of personal stylistic markers from texts and the use of intermediaries and virtual platforms. The consequences were predominantly encapsulated in the lived experience of discrimination and symbolic exclusion, encompassing feelings of social isolation, the negation of academic identity, and experiences of both symbolic and material discrimination within the university environment. Finally, the core category was identified as the reproduction and transformation of the ghost writer’s position within Iran’s scientific structure. This core category reveals that the ghost writer’s position is not static or isolated. Rather, it is a dynamic liminal process shaped by the dialectical interplay of causal conditions, contexts, intervening factors, strategies, and consequences, forming a vicious cycle that simultaneously reproduces these actors at the margins of knowledge and power while occasionally allowing for their transformation. 4. Conclusion The findings demonstrate that ghostwriting in Iran is neither a purely individual act nor a simple moral lapse. Instead, it systematically reflects structural inequalities, the commodification of knowledge, and the widening gap between cultural and symbolic capital within the academic field. From a Bourdieusian perspective, ghost writers possess substantial cultural capital including writing skills and research abilities but lack the symbolic capital of institutional recognition and formal position necessary to claim authorship of their own intellectual products. Consequently, they are compelled to surrender their work to others who possess the requisite institutional legitimacy. Through a Marxist lens, ghost writers exemplify invisible intellectual laborers. They produce surplus value in the form of scientific texts yet are alienated from the fruits of their labor, including promotions, prestige, and career opportunities, which are appropriated by symbolic capitalists, namely the commissioning clients. Moreover, a Foucauldian reading of the death of the author illuminates how academic discourse systematically erases the genuine producer of knowledge, transforming authorship into a mechanism for the exercise of symbolic power. Crucially, however, participants are not passive victims. Through microlevel tactics such as adapting their writing style to mimic the client, strategic negotiation, selective concealment, and occasional soft resistance including publishing under their own name when possible, they exercise agency within constraining structures. This finding aligns with de Certeau’s concept of everyday tactics, wherein marginalized subjects navigate dominant orders by appropriating spaces and employing subtle everyday maneuvers. The study concludes by outlining three principal policy implications. First, there is a need for a fund amental revision of academic evaluation systems to replace simplistic quantitative metrics with qualitative indicators of genuine research value. Second, professional guilds or institutions should be established to provide legal and social support for ghost writers, transforming invisible labor into recognizable and protected work. Third, the employment structure for postgraduates requires reform to prevent their forced entry into gray markets of knowledge production. Limitations include the inherently hidden nature of the phenomenon, which restricted access to a more diverse sample. Future research should focus systematically on the demand side, namely the perspectives of commissioning clients, and pursue comparative cross national studies of ghostwriting as a global academic phenomenon. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_8327.html The body can be considered as the field of exercise of all kinds of power, which is affected by cultural and social relations. In this article, we are going to identify the types of power exercises and mechanisms that shape the body. For this purpose, with the help of interpretive phenomenology approach, we have interviewed 25 single girls living in Tehran and studied their lived experience of body and embodiment. The results of the research indicate that the body structure of these girls is built under the influence of various types of power in three dimensions: a) clothing, b) Gesture, posture and behavior, and c) appearance and fitness. Types of power include formal norms, patriarchal culture, and the fashion and beauty industry. One of the mediators of these three types of power is the other's gaze. Also, the fundamental conflict of official norms, patriarchal culture and fashion and beauty appear in the lived experience and cause tension and conflict in the personality of the participants. In addition, the gaze has an unidentifiable facet that the subject does not necessarily have access to, and this facet doubles its annoyance. Therefore, the official norms, patriarchal culture, fashion and beauty act as omniscient gazes that are present every moment so that the subject cannot properly understand and interpret the expectations that are contradictory and conflicting in nature.   Extended Abstract 1. Introduction ''Body'' or much better to say ''Embodiment'', is One of the most prominent topics in the contemporary critical sociology although its traces can also be found among some ancient philosophers' view. When spoken of embodiment, the opposite of the Body, it goes beyond the biological matter and becomes a social construct. Therefore, Body has been shaped and created by socio-historical process or forces. Now, we should ask which process or forces? There is verity answers based on different theoretical views. One of the most brilliant explanations is post structural definition of "Power". The most famous quote of Foucault "Power is everywhere" shows power is an ontological concept. This point of view provides possibility of rethinking about identity, subjectivity, agency and power arrangement, and makes it possible to answer the question: How power shapes the body? Before answering the above question, we should clarify what is the "power?". "Power", obviously, has had a long history from ancient period to now. So, it has verity meanings. Digeser (1992) and Haugaard (2020,2021), fortunately, categorized all meanings in four faces or dimensions. In the first definition, Robert Dahl (1957) firstly theorized, power is one "thing" as a property which someone has and the other doesn't. In this dimension, power is completely negative and repressive as well as, two parts of power are aware of their interests. The second face, Bachrach and Barattes (1962) firstly formulized, is more about structural power. It refers to manipulation of procedure, or structural positions and formal rules give someone the potential of exercise power over others. Digeser named these two faces as "liberal faces of power" because all parts are aware of both, their interests and exercising power. The third aspect is related to whatever Steven Lukes named it as "radical dimension". In this face, one part manipulates the others, their identity. Haugaard believes this dimension is epistemological because it is related to the ways people think. Naturalization and internalization norms and rules are the main mechanisms. The fourth dimension, in Huggard's words, is ontological. It shapes peoples' identity and their all behaviors. These dimensions, in fact, are separated antically and in the real life are interrelated. In this article we evaluated the role of each aspect on shaping single girls' body. Body, in this theorical framework, is completely the object of power as a socio-historical construct so named embodiment. The famous quote from de Beauvoir is clarifying: "A woman is not born, but made". 2. Methodology "Hermeneutic phenomenology" is an appropriate method to describe how power shapes the body because we can find mechanisms based on lived experience. Twenty single girls who living in Tehran were selected by Purposive sampling. Six participants are university student, three participants are employed and two participants are student-employed. Family financial situation is assessed as poor or average. The level of their education is better than their parents. Participant's age is 23 to 35. Their socio-economic situation, therefore, is low. We interviewed with them around 30 to 90 minutes in second half of 1400. They narrate their lived experience in different situations including family, school, university, work place, and public spaces. Thematic analysis was used to extract meaning unites. The most important characteristic of participants is their contradiction dual life style: on the one hand, living with their family in the traditional environment with strong norms, and living as a single girl in Tehran which being unknown is its outstanding feature. Contradiction dual life is really important because as all participants mentioned, it causes to rethinking of their identity. 3. Findings Lived experience of our sample distinguished in four dimensions of power. So, Embodiment under each dimension is recognized and analyzed. Narratives show participants' body are shaped with verity mechanisms. Their embodiment includes clothing, gestures, postures, behavior, appearance, and fitness. In the first dimension, power exercises through command and prohibition of the "others" which are closed including family members and friends. Participants, in this situation, are aware of the exercising of power and encounter power with different ways: they accept the power, or feel powerlessness, or resist. The first two modes reproduce the first dimension, but resistance can delegitimate the power. In this case, this question maybe is asked that despite rejecting the power, how it shapes the body? For answering, it should be clarified that the power is rejected, transfer resistant subject to the contradictory discourse and through this, shapes the body. The mechanisms in the second dimension are the same with the first one. We found, under this dimension, two types of narratives: forced formal clothing in official offices and institutions and facing moral police in public spaces. In these situations, power objects had to wear formal clothes. It is obvious if they don’t obey, they will be punished. Encountering second face of power, same as the first one, crates three different subjects: acceptance subject, powerlessness subject or resistance subject. Although all dimensions of power are important to shape body, the third and forth faces are much more important. Third one's mechanisms are internalized norms and values and naturalization the status ego. In the narratives, we witnessed how some gender stereotypes were internalized in the participating girls. Stereotypes such as attributing certain behaviors such as walking slowly, speaking slowly, not laughing loudly, not lying down, the way of sitting, and certain moods such as sarcasm and femininity, and certain characteristics such as grooming, makeup, and a certain body shape were attributed to women and they were expected to follow these stereotypes. Power was exercised over and shaped the body, In the case of single girls living in Tehran, specifically through formal rules and norms, patriarchal culture, and the fashion and beauty industry. It is natural that these three types of power exercises are in conflict with each other in many cases (such as official norms with fashion and beauty or patriarchal culture with some aspects of official norms as well as fashion and beauty), but what was extracted from the lived experience of these girls is that these macro-structural conflicts emerge in the girls' experience; in such a way that their entire lives are mixed with these conflicts. The constant exposure of these girls to these contradictions has made their embodiment an increasingly fundamental issue for them. The “gaze of the other” alongside the “expectation of the other” were common aspects of these girls’ experiences regarding the “how” of exercising these three types of power. We saw that the "staring gaze of the other" and the "expectation of the other" had made it possible to internalize and naturalize gender stereotypes through "labeling," "rejection," and "judgment". All mechanisms we recognized, become fourth dimensions of power and created their whole identity as well as, define embodiment for them. 4. Conclusion In this article, we attempted to show how different dimensions of power shape the body. To this end, we extracted the four dimensions of power from the lived experience of the participants and showed the mechanisms by which each dimension shapes the body. The results showed that part of the shaping of the body is conscious and the greater part is unconscious. What this article showed is that although the body at first glance seems to be a biological and individual thing, the reality is that the body is completely constructed in a socio-historical way. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_11089.html Drug addiction in contemporary Iran is one of the most critical social harms. Over the past four decades, the governing system has undertaken numerous measures in the form of legislation, institutional structuring, and budget allocation to control and reduce it. However, the challenges in this field have become increasingly complex and intensified. This study aims to examine and identify the challenges and barriers to the success of Article 16 centers, established under the 2010 Anti-Narcotics Law, in providing compulsory treatment for publicly visible drug users. Employing a qualitative research methodology, the study utilizes thematic analysis and data collection tools including 15 semi-structured interviews and three focus group discussions. In the initial coding stage, 89 primary codes were extracted, which were later grouped into 15 themes. Ultimately, the core category identified was "instability and incompleteness of the treatment cycle," which reflects the underlying dichotomy of "collection and release" in the treatment process of publicly visible drug users. The study concludes that addiction treatment policy in Iran is imbalanced and overly focused on compulsory treatment. This is despite the fact that the processes of collection, screening, treatment, rehabilitation, and aftercare are fraught with various procedural, institutional-structural, and strategic challenges. These findings highlight the unstable and incomplete nature of the treatment cycle in compulsory treatment centers. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_11090.html The acceleration of globalization and the expansion of communication methods have provided youths with the possibility to choose new forms of life. This article aims to explore the life choices and life politics of youths, their narratives of personal and collective constraints and limitations, as well as their ways of coping with their bodily rights, pleasures, and difficulties. It examines how, within the hegemonic space of Iranian society, moral and value principles in individual and collective life encounter contradictions, choices, and value-based dilemmas. The central issue of this study is the life choices, decision-making processes, moral principles, and values of youths. The research is framed within Anthony Giddens’ theory of life politics and employs a qualitative narrative interview method with a purposive sample of 24 youths from the city of Sanandaj. The findings were analyzed using thematic analysis, resulting in five main themes: life as destiny, external pressure and internal dreams, absence of a private sphere and its mental desire, the dilemma of moral and value conflicts, and lifestyle as a guideline. The results indicate a dissonance between values and contextual conditions. These changes and transformations often remain subjective and face structural political, economic, and social blockages in objective and concrete terms. Therefore, contrary to Giddens’ theory, in the Iranian context, life politics is understood as resilience and the ability to live within the gap between objective pressures and subjective expectations, enduring these pressures. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_11091.html Networks and virtual spaces have today become indispensable tools for social interaction and citizen activities in Iran, and excessive use of them has been accompanied by rising harms and problems in Iranian society. Accordingly, the primary aim of this study is to identify the harms and issues associated with excessive use of networks and virtual spaces using a qualitative meta-synthesis approach. The study adopts an inductive qualitative meta-synthesis method for the period 2010–2024 (1389–1403 in the Iranian calendar). A non-probabilistic (intentional) sampling strategy was employed from 145 research documents; 69 research samples were selected based on entry criteria (presence of independent variables, validity and reliability of the study, publication in a reputable scientific journal, and findings derived from field research). The scientific sources include Nor-MGz (Noormeg), Magh Iran, IranDoc, and the Jihad Daneshgahi (Academic Centre for Education, Culture and Research) scientific database. Overall analysis of studies within the 2010–2024 timeframe indicates that excessive use of networks and virtual spaces leads to four categories of problems in Iranian society: 1) social problems (virtual differential association, diminished social control, weakened social cohesion and social bonds, reduced social participation, diminished salience of social support, suspicion and social mistrust, increased social deviance, promotion of deviance and family harms), 2) cultural problems (widespread unethical behavior and deviance, erosion of the Iranian-Islamic lifestyle, educational crisis and declining academic quality, media deviance, promotion of venomous leisure time, diminished family values, risky sexual behavior, reduced religious values, intergenerational gaps and conflict), 3) economic problems (heightened financial-economic problems, reduced job performance and productivity, emergence of crime and financial offenses, intensified consumerism and family extravagance), and 4) psychological problems (verbal violence, crisis of identity and unreal personality, learned aggression, isolation and withdrawal, sense of emptiness and deficiency, and emotional-insecurity). https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_11092.html Divorce is a social and multidimensional phenomenon influenced by cultural, economic, and psychological factors, and in the city of Rasht due to its ethnic and cultural diversity it holds particular significance. This study aimed to explore the lived experiences of divorced women and to identify the contextual conditions, causes, and consequences of divorce. The present research was conducted using a qualitative approach grounded in Grounded Theory. Data were collected through in-depth semi-structured interviews with 20 divorced women and continued, using purposive and snowball sampling, until theoretical saturation was achieved. Data analysis was carried out through open, axial, and selective coding. The findings revealed that contextual conditions such as cultural differences, economic vulnerability, early age at marriage, and insufficient premarital knowledge created a foundation for marital conflicts, while causal factors including domestic violence, addiction, sexual problems, and infidelity directly led to divorce. In addition, family interference intensified the divorce process, whereas transformations in social values and family support increased its acceptance. Easier divorce emerged as a combined outcome of changing social attitudes, mismatched expectations within marriage, and new approaches toward divorce. These factors have contributed to a reduction in the social stigma associated with divorce and to its greater acceptance within society. Changes in social values such as increased acceptance of consensual divorce and the decline of divorce-related stigma enable women to consider divorce as a legitimate and acceptable solution. Some employed women without children perceive divorce as an opportunity for independence and the redefinition of their lives. https://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article_11113.html Within the sociology of the body, tattooing represents a distinctive manifestation of the interaction between the individual and society. The primary aim of this research is to understand the experiences, attitudes, and motivations of women and men in relation to tattooing. This study adopts a qualitative methodology and is grounded in the approach of Grounded Theory. Data were collected through in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 27 women and 25 men in Mashhad who had tattoos. The findings indicate that various factors influence the decision to engage in tattooing. Contextual conditions include age at first exposure and social familiarity with tattooing, and generational differences in attitudes toward it. Causal conditions encompass strategies for selecting tattoo placement, lived pressures, close social experiences, modeling after media figures, escape from routine, cultural perceptions of tattooing, and aesthetic perceptions of the body. Intervening conditions include occupational status, religious authority in bodily decision-making, and the degree of tattoo visibility. In addition, marital status, level of education, and place of residence play a role in the re-signification of the body and the practice of tattooing. Reported outcomes of tattooing include the expansion of social relationships, increased feelings of satisfaction, hope, pleasure, and self-confidence, a tendency toward repeated tattooing, and various forms of social feedback. The study demonstrates that tattooing in Iranian society is shaped by a wide range of social and cultural factors that influence both women’s and men’s decisions to engage in this practice.