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Social Problems of Iran 2026, 16(1): 0-0 |
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Izadi-Jeiran A. (2026). Exercising Engaged Anthropology: Empathy, Support, and Social Critique in Khoy Earthquake. Social Problems of Iran. 16(1),
URL: http://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article-1-3771-en.html
URL: http://jspi.khu.ac.ir/article-1-3771-en.html
University of Tabriz , a.izadijeiran@tabrizu.ac.ir
Abstract: (58 Views)
Abstract
Natural disasters, such as earthquakes, compel researchers to adopt a distinct anthropological approach—one committed to addressing urgent issues and the challenges they entail. This article details my practice of engaged anthropology during the Khoy earthquake of February and March 2023. Drawing on Low and Merry’s typology, my scholarly endeavor aligns with “sharing and support” and “social critique.” Conceptually, guided by Sherry Ortner’s tripartite framework, I emphasized empathy, local perspectives, support, and the analysis of power relations. Methodologically, I utilized rapid ethnography, grounded in multi-sited fieldwork, participant observation, and close collaboration with volunteer groups. To represent my findings, I disseminated texts featuring ethnographic scenes, concise theoretical reflections, and daily photo collections via social media and newspapers. This engaged anthropology involved “empathy” to comprehend and convey the fears and experiences of earthquake victims, and a “local perspective” to unveil the hidden spaces of abandoned homes overlooked by mainstream media. Furthermore, “support” was expressed through showcasing collective solidarity, while “social critique” focused on gender, charity, and class disparities, illuminating power dynamics and social inequalities. This experience demonstrated that engaged anthropology not only empowers researchers to act effectively in crisis situations but also fosters a deeper understanding of social dynamics, bridging academic inquiry with meaningful action.
Key Words: Engaged anthropology, Ethnography, Support, Social critique, Earthquake, Khoy.
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Natural disasters, such as earthquakes, necessitate urgent material, psychological, and social relief efforts to alleviate the suffering of affected populations. These interventions are significantly more effective when informed by a nuanced understanding of the social and cultural conditions of diverse affected groups, as such knowledge mitigates unintended consequences arising from cultural insensitivity. In the context of the Khoy earthquake in Northwest Iran (February and March 2023), this article explores the practice of engaged anthropology, an approach that redefines the role of ethnographers by imposing commitments beyond traditional knowledge production. Engaged anthropology prioritizes “knowledge for people” over “knowledge for knowledge’s sake,” utilizing local and indigenous insights to enhance well-being, address tangible issues, or advocate for the communities studied.
In recent decades, debates surrounding the public visibility and societal relevance of anthropology have intensified, with a new generation of anthropologists embracing more activist-oriented roles (Eriksen, 2006). This shift, termed the “engaged turn” by Sherry Ortner (2019), challenges the classical anthropological focus on cultural description, as critiqued by Paul Farmer (1999), and instead emphasizes addressing human suffering and social inequities. Engaged anthropology presents both opportunities and challenges, transforming the traditional academic persona by bridging scholarly inquiry with public action. Low and Merry (2010) identify six forms of engaged anthropology—sharing and support, public education, social critique, collaboration, advocacy, and activism—each offering distinct pathways for ethnographers to engage with pressing societal issues.
The central issue of this article lies in the interplay between engaged anthropology, ethnographic writing, and crisis situations. It addresses two primary questions: (1) What forms of engaged anthropology were practiced by an ethnographer during the Khoy earthquake? (2) How did the ethnographer’s direct involvement in relief efforts foster positive impacts in this critical context? By examining these questions, the study contributes to the growing discourse on the role of anthropology in emergency settings, particularly in Iran, where engaged anthropology remains an emerging practice.
2. Background
Most anthropological studies of natural disasters adopt a retrospective approach, analyzing impacts long after the event. For instance, Takakura (2023) explores the role of cultural elements in Japan’s recovery from the 2011 tsunami, highlighting the contributions of artists, farmers, and fishers to community resilience. Similarly, Salimi (1402/2023) examines the experiences of children in the aftermath of the Sarpol-e Zahab earthquake in Iran, revealing profound psychological, physical, and social consequences, including loss of well-being and increased social vulnerabilities. While valuable, these studies often lack immediacy, focusing on long-term recovery rather than urgent crisis response.
This research aligns closely with Kimura’s (2013) work on the Great East Japan Earthquake, which advocates for the “public use of anthropological knowledge” across three phases: immediate crisis response, early rehabilitation coordination, and long-term reconstruction analysis (see also Yamashita, 2013). Unlike retrospective studies, this study’s strength lies in the ethnographer’s presence in the field during the initial days of the Khoy earthquake, enabling real-time observation and participation. Rather than relying solely on interviews, the research emphasizes detailed, participatory observation of unfolding events, offering unique insights into the social dynamics of crisis. Additionally, it diverges from traditional academic outputs by leveraging social media for rapid dissemination, enhancing its public impact.
3. Methodology
Given the urgent and chaotic nature of the Khoy earthquake, this study employed a multi-sited fieldwork approach to capture the diverse social realities of the crisis. The ethnographer began fieldwork in February 2023, accompanying a documentary filmmaker to assess the situation firsthand. Subsequently, the researcher joined a large public relief group in Khoy, participating in their operations, attending managerial meetings, and assisting with aid distribution in villages. Later, collaboration with a smaller, socially conscious relief group facilitated access to marginalized urban neighborhoods, such as the Turk-inhabited Jamshidabad and a Kurdish-inhabited area. Additional observations included artistic interventions (e.g., painting, theater, and traditional rituals) aimed at psychological recovery, as well as follow-up visits a month later to assess post-crisis developments.
To adapt to the emergency context, the study adopted “rapid ethnography” (Vindrola-Padros, 2021), a method that balances speed with rich ethnographic description. Through participant and non-participant observation, the ethnographer documented 45 real-life situations across urban neighborhoods, villages, public squares, relief warehouses, and government offices over 13 days. This multi-sited, participatory approach generated vivid ethnographic scenes, which were analyzed to provide actionable insights for relief workers and policymakers. Initial findings were disseminated via Instagram, reaching both the public and relief groups, while two cultural and policy reports were prepared for formal institutions, constituting “rapid ethnographic assessments”.
Data analysis involved two components: (1) ethnographic scenes as descriptive units derived from fieldnotes, and (2) interpretive analysis to develop analytical themes. Using open and focused coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990), the ethnographer identified key themes such as “earthquake gender” and “collective solidarity,” which were integrated into cohesive narratives combining description and theory. This approach ensured a holistic understanding of the social phenomena observed.
4. Findings
Engaged anthropology, as practiced in the Khoy earthquake, represents a novel form of ethnographic research in Iran, challenging conventional academic practices by merging scholarship with activism. The crisis demanded a distinct research approach, characterized by immediacy and commitment. The findings are organized around two primary forms of engaged anthropology: sharing and support, and social critique.
Sharing and Support: This form involved empathizing with the fears and concerns of earthquake victims, amplifying their lived experiences, and fostering collective solidarity. By participating in relief efforts and documenting the emotional and cultural dimensions of the crisis—such as fear, rumors, and the hidden interiors of abandoned homes—the ethnographer made visible aspects often overlooked by mainstream media. These ethnographic accounts, shared via Instagram, resonated with the public, particularly due to the ethnic (Turk) identity of the affected communities, which intensified collective empathy. Beyond the material destruction of buildings, the subjective experiences of suffering played a critical role in mobilizing social cohesion, demonstrating the potential of cultural and emotional narratives to rebuild communities.
Social Critique: This form utilized anthropological methods to expose power relations and structural inequalities. The study critiqued three key issues: gender, class, and charity practices. Relief efforts often neglected gender-specific needs, particularly those of women, such as privacy and hygiene concerns for pregnant women. The ethnographer highlighted how “earthquake gender” shaped disparate experiences, with women facing greater vulnerabilities. Class-based disparities were also evident, as marginalized groups endured humiliation through “charity bullying,” where aid distribution undermined their dignity. These critiques, grounded in ethnographic evidence, challenged inequitable relief practices and advocated for more inclusive approaches.
5. Conclusions
The engaged anthropology practiced in the Khoy earthquake was guided by Ortner’s (2019) tripartite framework: conceptualization, methodology, and representation. Conceptually, the research initially focused on “empathy” and “local perspectives,” conveying the lived experiences of victims—fear, loss, and hidden domestic spaces—to broader audiences. As relief efforts expanded, the emphasis shifted to “support,” showcasing collective solidarity, followed by a critical examination of “power relations,” particularly around gender and class inequities. Methodologically, rapid ethnography and multi-sited fieldwork enabled swift, yet richly descriptive, data collection, while collaboration with relief and artistic groups enriched insights. For representation, ethnographic texts with vivid scene-setting and theoretical reflections, alongside daily photo collections, were disseminated via social media and newspapers, ensuring immediate public access.
Did this engaged anthropology yield positive impacts? Evidence suggests it did. Critical texts, particularly those addressing gender and class, were reposted by relief group managers, influencing their practices. Descriptive narratives and photos, evoking empathy, inspired public engagement in relief efforts. Two policy reports informed institutional decision-making, though their details are beyond this article’s scope. Collectively, these outcomes underscore the efficacy of engaged anthropology in crisis contexts, offering a model for anthropologists to blend rigorous research with meaningful action. This study not only advances the discourse on engaged anthropology in Iran but also calls for reimagining the ethnographer’s role as a socially committed scholar-activist in times of crisis.
Key Words: Engaged anthropology, Ethnography, Support, Social critique, Earthquake, Khoy.
Extended Abstract
1. Introduction
Natural disasters, such as earthquakes, necessitate urgent material, psychological, and social relief efforts to alleviate the suffering of affected populations. These interventions are significantly more effective when informed by a nuanced understanding of the social and cultural conditions of diverse affected groups, as such knowledge mitigates unintended consequences arising from cultural insensitivity. In the context of the Khoy earthquake in Northwest Iran (February and March 2023), this article explores the practice of engaged anthropology, an approach that redefines the role of ethnographers by imposing commitments beyond traditional knowledge production. Engaged anthropology prioritizes “knowledge for people” over “knowledge for knowledge’s sake,” utilizing local and indigenous insights to enhance well-being, address tangible issues, or advocate for the communities studied.
In recent decades, debates surrounding the public visibility and societal relevance of anthropology have intensified, with a new generation of anthropologists embracing more activist-oriented roles (Eriksen, 2006). This shift, termed the “engaged turn” by Sherry Ortner (2019), challenges the classical anthropological focus on cultural description, as critiqued by Paul Farmer (1999), and instead emphasizes addressing human suffering and social inequities. Engaged anthropology presents both opportunities and challenges, transforming the traditional academic persona by bridging scholarly inquiry with public action. Low and Merry (2010) identify six forms of engaged anthropology—sharing and support, public education, social critique, collaboration, advocacy, and activism—each offering distinct pathways for ethnographers to engage with pressing societal issues.
The central issue of this article lies in the interplay between engaged anthropology, ethnographic writing, and crisis situations. It addresses two primary questions: (1) What forms of engaged anthropology were practiced by an ethnographer during the Khoy earthquake? (2) How did the ethnographer’s direct involvement in relief efforts foster positive impacts in this critical context? By examining these questions, the study contributes to the growing discourse on the role of anthropology in emergency settings, particularly in Iran, where engaged anthropology remains an emerging practice.
2. Background
Most anthropological studies of natural disasters adopt a retrospective approach, analyzing impacts long after the event. For instance, Takakura (2023) explores the role of cultural elements in Japan’s recovery from the 2011 tsunami, highlighting the contributions of artists, farmers, and fishers to community resilience. Similarly, Salimi (1402/2023) examines the experiences of children in the aftermath of the Sarpol-e Zahab earthquake in Iran, revealing profound psychological, physical, and social consequences, including loss of well-being and increased social vulnerabilities. While valuable, these studies often lack immediacy, focusing on long-term recovery rather than urgent crisis response.
This research aligns closely with Kimura’s (2013) work on the Great East Japan Earthquake, which advocates for the “public use of anthropological knowledge” across three phases: immediate crisis response, early rehabilitation coordination, and long-term reconstruction analysis (see also Yamashita, 2013). Unlike retrospective studies, this study’s strength lies in the ethnographer’s presence in the field during the initial days of the Khoy earthquake, enabling real-time observation and participation. Rather than relying solely on interviews, the research emphasizes detailed, participatory observation of unfolding events, offering unique insights into the social dynamics of crisis. Additionally, it diverges from traditional academic outputs by leveraging social media for rapid dissemination, enhancing its public impact.
3. Methodology
Given the urgent and chaotic nature of the Khoy earthquake, this study employed a multi-sited fieldwork approach to capture the diverse social realities of the crisis. The ethnographer began fieldwork in February 2023, accompanying a documentary filmmaker to assess the situation firsthand. Subsequently, the researcher joined a large public relief group in Khoy, participating in their operations, attending managerial meetings, and assisting with aid distribution in villages. Later, collaboration with a smaller, socially conscious relief group facilitated access to marginalized urban neighborhoods, such as the Turk-inhabited Jamshidabad and a Kurdish-inhabited area. Additional observations included artistic interventions (e.g., painting, theater, and traditional rituals) aimed at psychological recovery, as well as follow-up visits a month later to assess post-crisis developments.
To adapt to the emergency context, the study adopted “rapid ethnography” (Vindrola-Padros, 2021), a method that balances speed with rich ethnographic description. Through participant and non-participant observation, the ethnographer documented 45 real-life situations across urban neighborhoods, villages, public squares, relief warehouses, and government offices over 13 days. This multi-sited, participatory approach generated vivid ethnographic scenes, which were analyzed to provide actionable insights for relief workers and policymakers. Initial findings were disseminated via Instagram, reaching both the public and relief groups, while two cultural and policy reports were prepared for formal institutions, constituting “rapid ethnographic assessments”.
Data analysis involved two components: (1) ethnographic scenes as descriptive units derived from fieldnotes, and (2) interpretive analysis to develop analytical themes. Using open and focused coding (Strauss & Corbin, 1990), the ethnographer identified key themes such as “earthquake gender” and “collective solidarity,” which were integrated into cohesive narratives combining description and theory. This approach ensured a holistic understanding of the social phenomena observed.
4. Findings
Engaged anthropology, as practiced in the Khoy earthquake, represents a novel form of ethnographic research in Iran, challenging conventional academic practices by merging scholarship with activism. The crisis demanded a distinct research approach, characterized by immediacy and commitment. The findings are organized around two primary forms of engaged anthropology: sharing and support, and social critique.
Sharing and Support: This form involved empathizing with the fears and concerns of earthquake victims, amplifying their lived experiences, and fostering collective solidarity. By participating in relief efforts and documenting the emotional and cultural dimensions of the crisis—such as fear, rumors, and the hidden interiors of abandoned homes—the ethnographer made visible aspects often overlooked by mainstream media. These ethnographic accounts, shared via Instagram, resonated with the public, particularly due to the ethnic (Turk) identity of the affected communities, which intensified collective empathy. Beyond the material destruction of buildings, the subjective experiences of suffering played a critical role in mobilizing social cohesion, demonstrating the potential of cultural and emotional narratives to rebuild communities.
Social Critique: This form utilized anthropological methods to expose power relations and structural inequalities. The study critiqued three key issues: gender, class, and charity practices. Relief efforts often neglected gender-specific needs, particularly those of women, such as privacy and hygiene concerns for pregnant women. The ethnographer highlighted how “earthquake gender” shaped disparate experiences, with women facing greater vulnerabilities. Class-based disparities were also evident, as marginalized groups endured humiliation through “charity bullying,” where aid distribution undermined their dignity. These critiques, grounded in ethnographic evidence, challenged inequitable relief practices and advocated for more inclusive approaches.
5. Conclusions
The engaged anthropology practiced in the Khoy earthquake was guided by Ortner’s (2019) tripartite framework: conceptualization, methodology, and representation. Conceptually, the research initially focused on “empathy” and “local perspectives,” conveying the lived experiences of victims—fear, loss, and hidden domestic spaces—to broader audiences. As relief efforts expanded, the emphasis shifted to “support,” showcasing collective solidarity, followed by a critical examination of “power relations,” particularly around gender and class inequities. Methodologically, rapid ethnography and multi-sited fieldwork enabled swift, yet richly descriptive, data collection, while collaboration with relief and artistic groups enriched insights. For representation, ethnographic texts with vivid scene-setting and theoretical reflections, alongside daily photo collections, were disseminated via social media and newspapers, ensuring immediate public access.
Did this engaged anthropology yield positive impacts? Evidence suggests it did. Critical texts, particularly those addressing gender and class, were reposted by relief group managers, influencing their practices. Descriptive narratives and photos, evoking empathy, inspired public engagement in relief efforts. Two policy reports informed institutional decision-making, though their details are beyond this article’s scope. Collectively, these outcomes underscore the efficacy of engaged anthropology in crisis contexts, offering a model for anthropologists to blend rigorous research with meaningful action. This study not only advances the discourse on engaged anthropology in Iran but also calls for reimagining the ethnographer’s role as a socially committed scholar-activist in times of crisis.
Type of Article: Original Research |
Subject:
Social problems
Received: 2024/08/12 | Accepted: 2025/02/19 | Published: 2025/05/11
Received: 2024/08/12 | Accepted: 2025/02/19 | Published: 2025/05/11
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