Social Problems of Iran

The Contexts and Consequences of Child Marriage in Lorestan Province

Authors

Akbar Talebpour 1
khadijeh safiri 2
Fatemeh Tajipour 3

1 Associate Professor, Department of Social Sciences Faculty of Social Sciences and Economics, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran

2 Professor, Department of Social Sciences Faculty of Social Sciences and Economics, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran/ Iran

3 Master of Social Sciences, Department of Social Sciences Faculty of Social Sciences and Economics, Alzahra University, Tehran, Iran

10.61186/jspi.16.1.161
Abstract
According to the most recent national census data from 2016 (1395 in the Iranian calendar), although the average age of marriage for girls in Iran is gradually increasing, early marriages remain significantly more prevalent in traditional communities. Such unions are widely considered a form of violence against children, often carrying both intended and unintended negative consequences. This qualitative study, grounded in Strauss and Corbin’s version of grounded theory, investigates the phenomenon of child marriage in Lorestan Province. The primary aim is to identify the causes, contextual and intervening conditions, strategies, and consequences of child marriage based on the lived experiences of fifteen women who were all married before the age of 18. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and analyzed until theoretical saturation was reached. The findings yielded ten core categories: socio-cultural origin, economic hardship, patriarchy, unfulfilled aspirations, domestic violence, emotional isolation, deprivation, dissatisfaction with marital life, lack of mutual understanding, and traditional environmental norms. These factors collectively shape the emergence of child marriage and the loss of childhood. Major consequences identified include depression, social withdrawal, emotional divorce, early motherhood, family violence, infidelity, lack of marital commitment, suicidal ideation, and school dropout. The analysis highlights the role of structural inequalities—particularly cultural and economic—in perpetuating the phenomenon, portraying child marriage not as a conscious choice but as a passive response to restrictive and unequal social structures. Drawing on feminist theory, Erikson’s psychosocial development model, gender socialization theory, and resource theory, the study calls for preventive policies rooted in public awareness, institutional support, and legal reform.



Extended Abstract

1. Introduction

Child marriage remains one of the most persistent forms of gender-based violence and social inequality across the globe. According to global estimates, over 60 million girls have been subjected to early marriage, though prevalence rates vary widely by region. Africa has recorded the highest, and Western Europe the lowest, rates of child marriage (Ahmadi, 2017). Despite a general global trend toward increased age at first marriage, early marriage continues to occur frequently in many countries, including Iran. National statistics indicate that around 3% of girls in Iran marry under the age of 15, and approximately 17% under the age of 18 (UNFPA, 2022: 151). According to the most recent data released by the Statistical Center of Iran, in 2021 alone, 9,753 girls between the ages of 10 and 14 were formally married. Notably, this figure reflects only registered marriages, excluding informal and customary unions that are common in rural and traditional contexts. Consequently, the true scale of child marriage in Iran is likely underreported.

Iran is one of the few countries where the legal minimum marriage age is still notably low; it ranks second globally after Guinea, with girls legally allowed to marry at age 13 (Statistics Center of Iran, 2024). In Lorestan province—a predominantly traditional and tribal region in western Iran—the prevalence of child marriage is considerably high. Census data from 2016 reveals that 2% of girls in Lorestan were married under the age of 14, while nearly 20% were married before reaching 18. These figures underscore the socio-cultural persistence of early marriage as a normative practice. Various factors contribute to this phenomenon, including conservative religious interpretations, patriarchal traditions, economic deprivation, lack of educational access, and social pressure.

This study aims to explore the sociological dimensions of child marriage in Lorestan by examining the lived experiences of child brides. It focuses on identifying the causal factors, contextual and intervening conditions, coping strategies, and long-term consequences of child marriage, as understood through the narratives of women who were married before the age of 18.



2. ​Methodology

This research adopts a qualitative approach based on grounded theory methodology, specifically the Strauss and Corbin (1998) model, which allows for the emergence of theory grounded in the lived realities of participants. The sample consisted of 15 women from Lorestan who had been married before the age of 18. Participants were selected based on the UNICEF definition of child marriage, which includes all formal or informal marriages involving persons under the age of 18. Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews and continued until theoretical saturation was achieved—that is, until no new categories or concepts emerged from the data.

To ensure the credibility and trustworthiness of the findings, this study followed the criteria proposed by Lincoln and Guba (1985), including prolonged engagement, triangulation, member checks, and thick description. Interview data were transcribed, coded, and analyzed through iterative comparison. Emerging categories were revisited multiple times to refine their properties and dimensions. This back-and-forth process of constant comparison between raw data, emerging codes, and theoretical constructs helped the researchers develop a coherent and credible grounded theory.

The data were coded and categorized along five dimensions, as recommended in the grounded theory paradigm model: (1) causal conditions, (2) contextual conditions, (3) intervening conditions, (4) action/interaction strategies, and (5) consequences. This structure allowed for a comprehensive analysis of how structural, cultural, and individual-level factors interrelate in shaping the phenomenon of child marriage in Lorestan.



3. Findings

The analysis yielded ten core categories: (1) social origin, (2) economic hardship, (3) patriarchy, (4) unfulfilled aspirations, (5) violence, (6) isolation and withdrawal, (7) deprivation, (8) marital dissatisfaction and deviant behaviors, (9) lack of mutual understanding in cohabitation, and (10) traditional environmental norms and customs.

- Causal conditions included economic deprivation and low socio-cultural capital, which significantly limited life opportunities for young girls and made early marriage appear as a viable or even desirable option for families. From a theoretical perspective, these conditions align with resource theory and gender socialization theory, which posit that resource scarcity and gender-based expectations strongly shape individual behaviors and family decisions.

- Contextual conditions included deep-rooted patriarchal structures, normalized domestic violence, and rigid gender norms. Within the context of Lorestan’s tribal and traditional culture, daughters are often seen as economic and social burdens whose honor must be protected through early marriage. These findings resonate with feminist theory, which underscores how institutions such as the family perpetuate gender inequality and symbolic violence.

- Intervening conditions included fear of “spoiling” a daughter’s reputation, social pressure from extended family and community, and deterministic cultural norms. Many parents feared that delaying marriage could lead to their daughters remaining unmarried, thus risking social disgrace. These concerns reflect concepts in cultural determinism and symbolic interactionism, wherein individual choices are heavily shaped by social expectations and collective norms.

- Strategies and coping mechanisms employed by child brides included emotional withdrawal, suppression of desires, expressions of frustration through self-harm, and in some cases, infidelity or aggression. Such behaviors were attempts to reclaim agency or navigate marital dissatisfaction. These responses can be interpreted through Erikson’s psychosocial development theory, which highlights the adverse effects of disrupted identity formation in adolescence, as well as feminist theories that frame such behaviors as survival strategies in oppressive settings.

- Consequences were both psychological and structural. They included depression, anxiety, emotional detachment, early motherhood, exposure to intimate partner violence, suicidal ideation, and educational discontinuation. In several cases, the participants reported replicating cycles of violence or deprivation in their interactions with their own children—an outcome that underscores the intergenerational transmission of trauma and inequality.



4. ​​​​​​Conclusion

Child marriage in Lorestan is not merely a traditional practice but a structurally embedded phenomenon driven by a complex web of socio-economic, cultural, and political factors. Despite legal frameworks aimed at limiting early marriage, the persistence of child marriage reflects deeper issues: economic insecurity, patriarchal control, cultural determinism, and institutional neglect. The narratives of child brides reveal that such marriages are rarely voluntary or informed; rather, they are coerced arrangements shaped by poverty, gendered expectations, and cultural pressure.

This research confirms that early marriage constitutes a form of structural violence against children, particularly girls. It deprives them of agency, interrupts their education, exposes them to trauma, and confines them to gendered roles that limit their development. Importantly, the study underscores that child marriage is not only a personal tragedy but a social phenomenon with far-reaching consequences for health, education, and gender equity.

To address the issue, a multifaceted strategy is needed—one that combines legislative reform with cultural transformation, economic empowerment, and institutional support. Legal mechanisms must be strengthened to raise the minimum age of marriage and penalize violations. Simultaneously, education systems should offer life-skills training, gender-sensitive curricula, and supportive environments for girls at risk. Social services and NGOs must provide counseling and economic support to vulnerable families to reduce their dependence on early marriage as a survival strategy.

Finally, public discourse should be reshaped to challenge the normalization of child marriage. Media, religious leaders, educators, and policymakers all have a role to play in shifting societal values toward protecting children's rights and ensuring equitable opportunities for all.



Keywords

Child Marriage
Grounded theory
Gender-based Violence
Lorestan
lived experience
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  • Receive Date 08 June 2026
  • First Publish Date 08 June 2026